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1 



GOV. ALEXANDER RAMSEY, 

Gov. Ramsey Tendered the Regiment to the United States 

for Service in the Civil War. 



^ 4'^oA 



HISTORY 

» 

0\F THE 

FIRST REGIMENT MINNESOTA 
VOLUNTEER INFANTRY 

1861-1864 



WITH MAPS AND 
ILLUSTRATIONS 



EASTON & MASTERMAN 

PRINTERS 

STILLWATER, MINN. 

1916 



CONTENTS 



Chapter. Page. 

I. ORGANIZATION OF REGIMENT 1 

II. FIRST SERVICES IN MINNESOTA 15 

III. ORDERED TO WASHINGTON 21 

IV. AT WASHINGTON AND ALEXANDRIA 31 

V. BULL RUN 36 

VI. UPPER POTOMAC AND CAMP STONE 58 

VIL BALL'S BLUFF, BATTLE OF 74 

VIII. BACK TO CAMP STONE 80 

IX. SHENANDOAH CAMPAIGN 84 

X. PREPARING FOR THE PENINSULA 94 

XL THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN 100 

XIL THE BATTLE OF WILLIAMSBURG 110 

Xin. ON THE CHICKAHOMINY Ill 

XIV. SEVEN PINES AND FAIR OAKS 121 

XV. CAMP AT FAIR OAKS 134 

XVI. DOWN THE PENINSULA TO HARRISON'S 

LANDING 138 

XVII. ALLEN'S FARM OR PEACH ORCHARD 145 

XVIIL BATTLE OF SAVAGE'S STATION 147 

XIX. RETREAT ACROSS WHITE OAK SWAMP... 153 

XX. BATTLE OF GLENDALE 156 

XXI. MALVERN HILL 161 

XXII. HARRISON'S LANDING 167 

XXIIL ARMY LEAVES HARRISON'S LANDING 173 

XXIV. VIENNA AND FLINT HILL 174 

XXV. THE ANTIETAM CAMPAIGN ISO 

XXVI. BATTLE OP ANTIETAM 191 

XXVIL FROM ANTIETAM TO LOUDOUN VALLEY.. 223 

XXVIII. BURNSIDE SUCCEEDS McCLELLAN 240 

XXIX. BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG 246 

XXX. THE REGIMENT AT FREDERICKSBURG 264 

XXXL IN CAMP AT FALMOUTH 276 

XXXII. HOOKER SUCCEEDS BURNSIDE 27S 

XXXIIL CHANCELLORSVILLE AND SECOND FRED- 
ERICKSBURG 285 

XXXIV. SECOND FREDERICKSBURG 294 

XXXV. CAMP ON STAFFORD HEIGHTS 300 

XXXVL GENESIS OF GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN 304 

XXXVIL FREDERICKSBURG TO HAYMARKET 312 

XXXVIIL HAYM.'^RKET TO GETTYSBURG 317 



CONTENTS 



Chapter. Page. 

XXXIX. GETTYSBURG 321 

XL. GETTYSBURG, FIRST DAY'S BATTLE 324 

XLL GETTYSBURG, SECOND DAY'S BATTLE 327 

XLIL "CHARGE" THAT MADE MINNESOTA FAMOUS 342 

XLIIL COL. COLVILL UNDER ARREST 349 

XLIV. GETTYSBURG, THIRD DAY'S BATTLE 351 

XLV. THE REGIMENT THE THIRD DAY 363 

XLVL MEAD FOLLOWS LEE ACROSS POTOMAC... 380 

XLVIL BACK TO THE RAPPAHANNOCK 383 

XLVIIL ENFORCING DRAFT IN N. Y. CITY 387 

XLIX. CAMPAIGN OP MANEUVRES 393 

L. THE BRISTOE CAMPAIGN 398 

LL MINE RUN CAMPAIGN 411 

LIL TALK OP RE-ENLISTING 419 

LIIL HOME — HONORABLE DISCHARGE 423 

APPENDICES. 

Chapter. Page. 

I. ADDRESS OP SEN. C. K. DAVIS 432 

IL ADDRESS OF HON. J. B. GILFILLAN 439 

IIL ADDRESS OF CAPT. J. N. SEARLES 443 

IV. ADDRESS OF J. J. HILL 446 

V. GEN. SANFORD'S BATTERY 452 

VI. ' ROSTER OF REGIMENT 455 

INDEX 503 



FOREWOKD. 

nnO PREPARE a history of the ''First Minnesota," 
•*■ after the lapse of more than half a century, is, 
in many respects, a hopeless task. 

So many of the members of the regiment have 
died since the war that a great mass of personal data, 
which would have greatly enriched this historical 
narrative, is no longer available, but such incidents 
as are recalled by the few survivors whom it has 
been possible to consult, have been preserved. 

Such a work as this should have been prepared 
at least forty years ago, when a comparatively com- 
plete collection could have been made of the various 
data that constituted the life of the regiment as an 
organization, and its members as individuals. 

If relatives or personal friends of members of the 
regiment shall close the volume with regret that 
some incident, specially worthy of mention in con- 
nection with their soldier dead, is not to be found 
in it, we beg them to remember that it has occurred 
from the inability of the compilers to obtain the in- 
formation. 

Under these circumstances, this work will be 
found to concern itself, chiefly, with the work of the 
regiment as an organization. 

The reader will observe that considerable space 
has been given to operations of other troops, but it 
has been our effort to avoid extended notice of such 
events where not required to properly frame the 



THE FIRST ]\IINNESOTA 

actions or services oF tlu> roo:iinent. 

We have been especially anxious to avoid critic- 
ism (vf officers or movements of either army— Union 
or Confederate. 

The true basis for a correct .iudgment of a com- 
mander is to place one's self in his place— consider 
what he actually knew of his own and his adver- 
sary's situation. 

Since the war there has been published, or other- 
wise rendered available, so much additional inform- 
ation of the entire situation at any given time, that 
to measure a general's conduct on a given occasion 
by what has since come to be well known, Avould, in 
many instances, be very unjust. 

Consequently, we have studiously aimed to avoid 
criticisms of commanding officers— preferring to ob- 
serve the old maxim. ''Say nothing of the dead, un- 
less it be good." 

Moreover, the regiment was made up of men of 
all creeds and parties, who, for the time, had laid 
aside all prejudices and had united in a great effort 
to save their country. Their partisanship was held 
in abeyance. They promised faithful service and 
obedience for three years. This record is designed 
to preserve a truthful account of what they did in 
fulfillment of that promise. 

The body of this text was originally prepared by 

Mr. R. I. Iloleombe. a nd he has earned the thanks of 

' 'the suvvivoTs of "the regiment for his industry in 

collecting the various data indispensable to the work 

— deficient as it may be. 

Since the preparation of this volume was under- 



FOREWORD 

taken by the Colvill Commission, the membership of 
the commission has been reduced by the death of 
Maj. C. B. Heffelfinger, Capt. Richard L. Gorman 
and Henry T. Evans, leaving the undersigned as the 
only remaining members, who thus become responsible 
for this volume as it appears, although it should be 
said that ?>ra.jor Heffelfinger examined the manu- 
script, and his suggestions have been adopted in the 
text as it now appears. 

"We desire to add, that this work, concerned as it 
is with the one regiment, has been prepared without 
a thought that this particular organization comprised 
men of courage or other soldierly qualities superior 
to other organizations. 

The men of this regiment claimed no superiority, 
and both during and after the war cheerfully 
acknowledged the brilliant achievements and soldier- 
ly qualities of other regiments. 

The fact that this regiment was the only body of 
Minnesota troops in the Ann}'' of the Potomac — ex- 
cept the sharpshooter companies m.entioned, and the 
First ^linnesota Battalion, that was organized after 
the regiment was discharged — ^brought to it more 
notice than it would have received if the state had 
been represented, in that army, by other regiments. 

That particular service which crowned the regi- 
ment and state with the deserved plaudits of the 
world — the "charge" on the second day of the battle 
of Gettysburg — was a sen-ice in which the regiment 
took pride, not so much for the courage and discip- 
line displayed, for it is readily conceded that many 
if not most other regiments would have done the 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

same, but for the simple fact that the regiment there 
had the OPPORTUNITY to ''show what they were 
there for," and they seized the opportunity to show 
themselves fit for the task. This psychological atti- 
tude has no element of vanity or superiority over 
other brothers in arms. ■ 

Finally, we dedicate this work to the memory of 
those noble men, living and dead, who stood to- 
gether in the "First Minnesota" on many of the 
most bitterly contested battlefields of the Civil war; 
and we commend it to the charitable consideration 
of all others who shared in the toil and turmoil of 
that great struggle, whether at home or in the field, 
or who rejoice in the inheritance bequeathed to them 
and their posterity by those who gloriously main- 
tained the UNION. 

JASPER N. SEARLES, 

Capt. Co. C, 1st. Reg. 
Minn. Vol. Inf'y. 

MATTHEW F. TAYLOR, 

Corporal Co. E., 1st. Reg. 
Minn. Vol. Inf'y. 

Commissioners. 
Dated, Dec. 31, 1915. 
Stillwater, Minn. 



HISTORY OF 

THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

VOLUNTEER INFANTRY 



CHAPTER I. 

ITS ORGANIZATION. 

THE record of the First Regiment of Minnesota 
Volunteer Infantry, commonly known as the 
"First Minnesota" begins with the opening scenes of 
the Civil War and, as to its actual military services^ 
that record ends with the expiration of its three 
years enlistment in the spring of 1864, just as. 
General Grant took command of all the Union armies. 
After heroic resistance Fort Sumter was sur- 
rendered to the Confederates Saturday, April 13, 1861. 
The next day President Lincoln issued a proclamation 
calling for 75,000 volunteer soldiers to serve, in con- 
junction with the 10,000 regulars then composing 
the army, for three months, "unless sooner dis- 
charged." It 'was hoped that such a force would 
manifest the determination of the Government and 
bring to their senses the misguided Confederates, al- 
though they already had 200,000 men ready for the 
field, had formed a confederated government of sev- 
eral millions of people, and were swearing to fight 
to the last ditch. 

Gov. Alexander Ramsey, of Minnesota, chanced to 
be in Washington when Fort Sumter fell. The next 
morning, about 9 o'clock, after a night of restless- 
ness and anxiety over the sistuation, he went to the 

1 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

War Department and sought the Secretary, then 
Hon. Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, (Ramsey's 
native state) whom he well knew. He encountered 
the Secretary as that officer, who was dressed for a 
walk, and carrying bundles of papers was leaving his 
office, apparently wrought up to strong tension and 
bent on important business. 

"What do you want?" asked the Secretary, im- 
patiently; "I am in a great hurry to attend a meet- 
ing in the White House." The Governor replied: 
"I simply want to tender you a thousand men to 
help defend the country and suppress this — treason." 
"Good!" replied the old Secretary, almost exultantly; 
"sit down and put your tender in writing and leave 
it here." And then the rugged old War Secretary 
hastened away. (Ramsey's Journal). In a few minutes 
the tender was written and laid on Secretary Cam- 
eron's table. 

These facts have been published often and con- 
spicuously, and never disputed; and they prove that 
in the great war Minnesota, then the youngest State 
in the Union, made the first offer of men to defend 
and preserve it. Secretary Cameron readily accepted 
Governor Ramsey's tender and formally acknowledged 
it. The acceptance was published Monday morning; 
probably it was written Sunday night. 

On IMonday, April 15, the President made requisi- 
tions for troops upon the Governors of all the states 
not then in secession. The executives of Virginia, North 
Carolina. Tennessee, Arkansas, Missouri and Kentucky 
refused; and shortly thereafter the first four named 
had joined the Confederacy. Governor Ramsey, still 
detained in Washington, promptly telegraphed the 
acting Governor of JMinnesota. Lieut-Gov. Ignatius 
Donnelly, instructing him to issue an immediate call 
for volunteers, an instruction to the pugnacious and 

2 



ITS ORGANIZATION 

patriotic Donnelly's liking, and straightway lie obeyed 
it. The first Minnesota newspapers issued after the 
receipt of Ramsey's order appeared on Tuesday morn- 
ing and contained the formal call of Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor Donnelly for volunteers. (See Minnesota in the 
Civil and Indian Wars, Vol. 2, pp. 1-3.) 

By Chap. 77, Laws of 1858, the legislature had 
provided for the enrollment as militia of "all able- 
bodied white male citizens residing in the state, be- 
ing eighteen years of age and under forty-five years, 
excepting persons exempt by law". 

At the outbreak of the rebellion there existed, un- 
der the authority of this law, various company organ- 
izations, but they had never been consolidated into a 
regimental organization except on paper. 

In St. Paul, Company A of the 23rd. Regiment of 
this militia was an efficient organization. It was 
armed, uniformed and M^ell drilled, and the personnel 
of its members was of a high order. It had been 
organized in territorial days (1856) and was called 
the "Pioneer Guard", and in the first part of April. 
1861, it was commanded by Capt. A. T. Chamblin. 

On Monday night (preceding the Tuesday publi^^ 
cation of the call issued by Lieut-Gov. Donnelly) the 
Pioneer Guard assembled at its armory and a num- 
ber of its officers and many other patriotic citizens 
signed as volunteers under the call. The first man 
to sign was Josias R. King, a Virginian who had 
lived some years in Minnesota. As the signing was i- 
virtually an enlistment he has always claimed, witli 
reason, the distinction of having been the senior vol- 
unteer in the United States service in the war of the 
rebellion. 

He rose from an orderly sergeant to a Captaincy, 
then became a Lieutenant Colonel in the U. S. Vol- 
unteer forces and was appointed a second lieutenant 

3 



K 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

in the U. S. Second Infantry, where he served fivQ 
years, including three years at Lebanon, Ky., in com- 
mand of a detachment of 50 mounted men engaged in 
the suppression of Ku IQux organizations and illicit 
distilleries. — 

He still lives in St. Paul respected and honored, 
not alone for his distinction as a first volunteer, but 
for sterling qualities as a citizen. 

The war feeling in the young pioneer state had 
been gradually increasing for months as preparations 
for hostilities by the South went forward, and thf^ 
firing upon Fort Sumter fanned this feeling into 
flame, as this assault on the integrity of the Union 
became known. 

Another company had been organized, known as 
the "Stillwater Guard," at Stillwater, and reached a 
very efficient state of drill and discipline, which be- 
came the nucleus of Co. B. of the new regiment. 

There was only one telegraph line in Minnesota. 
This had been put up the previous year and its single 
wire connected St. Paul with La Crosse. But with 
almost incredible swiftness the thrilling war news 
flew through the State. In a few days every town, 
hamlet and neighborhood was stirred to action. It 
was as if a Malise had been sent with the fiery torch 
into every district to rally the clans and bid them 
repair in instant time to Lanric Mead. 

In an eloquent and inspiring proelamatioi"' 
Lieutenant-Governor Donnelly had, on Tuesday morn- 
ing, April 16, called for one regiment of ten com- 
panies of infantry to report to the Adjutant-General 
of the State, Wm. H. Acker, of St. Paul, for service 
of three months. He announced that this requisition 
was made pursuant to the call of the President for 
"troops to support the Government." Each of the 
ten companies was to be composed of a captain, two 

4 



ITS ORGANIZATION 

lieutenants, four sergeants, four corporals, one bugler 
and sixty-four privates. 

The call met with enthusiastic response from every 
occupied portion of the State. Hon. Clement C. Clay 
of Alabama, which State had seceded, was in St. Paul 
on private business at the time. Returning to his 
home at Huntsville, in a public address he warned 
his fellow-citizens that the war they had undertaken 
would be a bloody one and might last five years. He 
assured them that the North would fight to the death 
and was thoroughly aroused, that in far-off primitive 
Minnesota, from whence he had just come, the pioneers 
and frontiersmen of that young, poor, and scantily- 
populated commonwealth were thronging forward to 
fight for the Union and with earnest zeal were de- 
manding to be led to the battlefield. 

Public meetings were at once held in all the larger 
towns — and by the census of 1860 the population of 
St. Paul, the largest town in the State, was but 
10,279 — and these meetings were attended by all 
classes "and addressed by many prominent citizens. 
All political party lines were wholly ignored. ''Then 
none was for a party; then all were for the State." 
In St. Paul, Stillwater, St. Anthony, Minneapolis, 
Winona, Faribault, Mankato, Hastings, Red Wing, 
Wabasha, and many smaller towns and villages, there 
were enthusiastic and inspiriting war meetings. Every 
able-bodied man that could volunteer as a soldier was 
willing to do so; he who could not, devoutly wished 
he could. The people were mostly newcomers and 
nearly all were poor. Many a man, though patriotic 
as a Spartan, could not enlist without abandoning 
wife and little ones to peril and privation on a lonely 
frontier, but others were more fortunately situated, 
and equally brave and eager. 

The result was natural. The enrollment went on 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

rapidly. On Monday, April 29, the ten companies 
that had been called assembled at Fort Snelling, the 
designated rendezvous, as directed by Adjutant- 
General Acker. That day General Acker resigned 
his position in the State militia to become a captain 
in the First Minnesota Regiment. To succeed him 
Governor Ramsey appointed Hon. John B. Sanborn, 
then a St. Paul lawyer, who had been chairman of 
the committee on military affairs in the Senate branch 
of the preceding State Legislature. He often said 
that when appointed to this highly-important military 
position he hardly knew gunpowder from black sand 
and had never seen a musket cartridge in his life ; 
yet he learned fast and when the war closed he wore 
the twin stars of a major-general, and had won them 
by service in the field. 

Many of the ten companies had been organiza- 
tions in the State militia, but each of them had re- 
ceived recruits and accessions from those who had 
never been in the State service, and was therefore 
practically a new organization. The titles of the 
companies, the localities Avhere they were organized, 
their commissioned officers, and the number of men 
in them were as follows : 

Company A, Pioneer Guard, St. Paul. Captain, 
Alexander "Wilkin; First Lieutenant, Henry C. 
Coates; Second Lieutenant, Chas. Zierenberg. Num- 
ber of men, 96. In the re-organization of this com- 
pany Captain Wilkin had succeeded Captain Cham- 
blin. 

Company B, Stillwater Guard, Stillwater. Captain. 
Carlyle A. Bromley; First Lieutenant, Mark "W. 
Downie; Second Lieutenant, Minor T. Thomas. Num- 
ber of men, 99. 

Company C, St. Paul Volunteers, St. Paul. Cap- 
tain, Wm. H. Acker; First Lieutenant, Wilson B. 

6 



ITS ORGANIZATION 

Farrell; Second Lieutenant, Samuel T. Raguet. Num- 
ber of men, 75. 

Company D, Lincoln Guards, Minneapolis. Cap- 
tain, Henry R. Putnam; First Lieutenant, Geo. H. 
Woods; Second Lieutenant DeWitt C. Smith. Num- 
ber of men, 98. 

Company E, St. Anthony Zouaves, St. Anthony. 
Captain, Geo. N. Morgan; First Lieutenant, John B. 
Gilfillan; Second Lieutenant, George Pomeroy. Num- 
ber of men, 86. 

Company F, Red "Wing Volunteers (also called 
Goodhue County Volunteers), Red Wing. Captain, 
Wm. Colville ; First Lieutenant, A. Edward Welch ; 
Second Lieutenant, Mark A. Hoyt. Number of men, 
100. 

Company G, Faribault Guards, Faribault. Captain, 
Wm. H. Dike; First Lieutenant, Nathan S. Messick; 
Second Lieutenant, Wm. E. Smith. Number of men, 
101. 

Company H, Dakota County Volunteers, Hastings. 
Captain, Chas. Powell Adams; First Lieutenant, Orrin 
T. Hayes; Second Lieutenant, Wm. B. Leach. Num- 
ber of men, 83. 

Company I, AVabasha Volunteers, Wabasha. 
Captain, John H. Pell; First Lieutenant, Joseph Har- 
ley; Second Lieutenant, Chas. B. Halsey. Number of 
men, 82. 

Company K, Winona Volunteers, Winona. Captain, 
Henry C. Lester ; First Lieutenant, Gustavus Adolphus 
Holtzborn; Second Lieutenant, Joseph Perriam. Num- 
ber of men, 79. 

Total number of men, exclusive of field and staff 
officers, 899. 

The companies had been "accepted" but not mus- 
tered into service as follows : Company A, April 19 ; 
Company B, April 20; Company C, April 22; Com- 

7 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

pany D, April 23; Companies F and G, April 25; 
Companies H, I, and K, April 26. 

The assembling of the companies at Fort Snelling 
was for the purpose of muster in and the re-organiza- 
tion of the regiment in the volunteer service of the 
United States. The companies all reached the Fort 
the same day. The first company on the ground was 
the Winona company, which arrived early in the 
morning on the steamer Golden Era. At 10 o'clock 
came the two St. Paul companies, the Red Wing, 
Faribault, and Hastings companies, all on the steamer 
Ocean Wave. The Faribault Company had been 
transported in wagons from Faribault to the river. 
At 11 o'clock came the Minneapolis and St. Anthony 
companies, which had made a practice march from 
their homes and were cheered by the other companies 
as they entered the Fort. The Stillwater company 
came over in wagons, arriving at 5 o'clock. The 
Wabasha company arrived at 7 o'clock in the even- 
ing on the Key City. 

At 12 o'clock, high noon, the flag was raised on 
the old Fort flagstaff. As the colors ascended and 
a strong April breeze flung them out, the cannon 
fired the national salute of thirty-four guns and the 
multitude cheered. (See Winona Daily Republican, 
May 1, 1861.) 

Then came the first dinner, served on tables of 
rough boards, with a service of tin cups and tin 
plates, but really relished by the volunteers and many 
visitors that were invited guests. The rough and 
primitive features only added a peculiar relish to the 
feast. (Lochren.) 

At 1 o'clock the mustering began. Captain Ander- 
son D. Nelson, of the regular army, had been detailed 
as the mustering officer, with Lieutenant Sanders as 
assistant. Dr. J. H. Stewart, of St. Paul, had been 



ITS ORGANIZATION 

appointed examining surgeon. The officers did their 
work in the presence of many spectators, "about as 
many citizens as soldiers," said the St. Paul Pioneer. 

The process was sufficiently thorough. Each com- 
pany was ordered into line separately. Then the 
mustering officers and Dr. Stewart walked along in 
front and rear, cursorily examining the men. After- 
wards each man's name was called and he was in- 
spected closely. Nearly all were accepted. Then the 
oath of muster was taken by companies. The men 
uncovered their heads, held up their right hands, and 
Captain Nelson administered the oath, the same 
obligation which soldiers of the United States had 
taken for eighty years, "that you will bear true 
allegiance to the United States of America and that 
you will serve them honestly and faithfully against 
all their enemies and opposers whatsoever," etc. The 
enlistment was for but three months. 

Only seven companies were mustered the first day. 
The "Wabasha company (I) did not arrive at the 
Fort until late in the evening and the Hastings and 
Winona companies (respectively H and K) were not 
quite full and were allowed time to fill up to the 
maximum number. It is asserted that all three of 
these companies were mustered the following day. 
!i(Lochren.) 

Governor Ramsey, Adjutant-General Sanborn, and 
the acting adjutant of the regiment, Jacob J. Noah, 
were at their posts early and all day. In the after- 
noon the Adjutant-General announced the field offi- 
cers of the regiment. The appointments had already 
been agreed on and privately made known, but they 
were received with apparent surprise and delight and 
heartily cheered. Nearly everything that happened 
was cheered, and so there was much hurrahing and 
enthusiasm. The field officers, by appointment of the 

9 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Governor, were: Colonel, Willis Arnold Gorman; 
Lieutenant-Colonel, Stephen Miller; Major, Wm. H. 
Dike. Colonel Gorman appointed as the regiment's 
staff officers, Geo. H. "Woods, quartermaster, and Dr. 
Jacob H. Stewart, surgeon. The next day Dr. Chas. 
W. LeBoutillier was made assistant surgeon and 
Lieut. "Wm. B. Leach became adjutant. Rev. Edward 
Duffield Neill was appointed chaplain. The non-com- 
missioned staff was subsequently appointed. 

Col. Willis A. Gorman was at the time pre- 
eminently the man best fitted to command the regi- 
ment. He had ability, experience, and the complete 
confidence of his men. He was born in Kentucky in 
1816, but removed to Indiana in young manhood and 
became a practicing lawyer. He served in two In- 
diana regiments during the Mexican War, first as 
major in the Third Indiana, and during the battle of 
Buena Vista was severely wounded; later was colonel 
of the Fourth Indiana and participated in several en- 
gagements in Mexico. He was elected to Congress 
from Indiana in 1848 and again in 1850, serving two 
terms. In 1853 he was appointed Territorial Governor 

, of Minnesota and came to St. Paul, which city was 

^ ever afterward his home. 

At the time he became colonel of the First Minne- 
sota, Governor Gorman was forty-five years of age, 
in the prime of manhood, looked every inch the sol- 
dier and man, and it was felt that under his leader- 
ship the First Minnesota would make an honorable 
record, if not a distinguished one. He was promoted 

' to brigadier-general October 1, 1861. General Gor- 
man died in St. Paul in May, 1876. 

Lieut.-Col. Stephen Miller was born in Pennsyl- 
vania, in 1816. He edited the Harrisburg Telegraph, 
a Whig journal, in 1853-55, and came to Minnesota 
in 1858, locating at St. Cloud. He was a prominent 

10 




BRIG. GRN. WTTvT^TS A. GORMAN, 
The First Colonel of the Regiment. 



ITS ORGANIZATION 

Republican and knew little of military matters in 
1861, but he learned fast. He was promoted to col- 
onel of the Seventh Minnesota in August, 1862; be- 
came brigadier-general in October, 1863, and resigned 
in January, 1864, to assume the duties of Governor 
of Minnesota. He died at "Worthington, Minn., in 
August, 1881. 

Major Dike was a Vermonter. He was at first 
captain of Company G, the Faribault company. On 
his promotion he was succeeded in the captaincy by 
Hon. Lewis McKune, who had been a member of the 
State constitutional convention. Colonel Gorman was 
a staunch Democrat in politics and Lieutenant-Colonel 
Miller and Major Dike were Republicans, so the field 
organization of the First Minnesota was non-partisan. 

With Colonel Gorman went his two sons, James 
W. Gorman, who was commissioned captain and 
served as assistant adjutant-general on his father's 
staff from September, 1862, until his death in Febru- 
ary, 1863, and Captain Richard L. Gorman, who was 
with the regiment in and after the battle of Bull Run, 
then became a captain in the 34th New York In- 
fantry, and was also for several months on the staff 
of his father when the latter became a brigadier- 
general. 

At once the military education of the regiment 
was begun and squad, company, and battalion drills 
were had daily. Hardee's tactics constituted the 
drill system then in vogue. Perhaps most of the 
men had undergone some experience on the drill 
ground, for a majority of the old militia companies 
had received more or less instruction in the manual 
of arms and in the ''school of the company." The 
inexperienced soon learned their duties, and within a 
few days the regiment was not in any respect a green 
one. The officers were all intelligent men and many 

11 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

of them good drill masters before they received their 
commissions. 

The men were fairly well provided with arms. 
Many of the militia companies had been supplied 
with muskets "complete," and some of the new 
volunters who had belonged to these companies 
brought their guns, cartridge boxes, etc., with them 
into the First Minnesota. Some of these guns were 
the (then) new pattern of Springfield percussion- 
rifled muskets, not the altered flint-locks, many of 
which were used by the volunteers in 1861, but new 
bright-barreled rifle guns, which shot minie bullets 
and were considered the best infantry guns in the 
service. Others were Mississippi rifles, caliber 54, 
with sword bayonets. The irregularly armed were 
supplied with pieces of various patterns from the 
State's arsenal. Those who had Springfield rifled 
muskets were allowed to keep them, but all others 
were soon supplied with the 69-caliber musket, a 
larger, and in fact a formidable and very effective 
arm, that discharged a missile as big as a man's 
thumb. (Lochren.) 

No uniforms had been provided, but the State 
soon furnished each private and non-commissioned 
officer with a shirt, a black felt hat, a pair of black 
pants, and a pair of socks. Other articles of clothing 
were supplied from time to time, either by the men 
or their friends. The shirts were woolen, but of 
various colors, red predominating. Generally the 
shirts were of the kind then affected by steamboat 
men and men of the frontiers, and some of them were 
very fancifully ornamented with crescents, stars, tre- 
foils, etc. Company K had gray suits presented by 
the citizens of Winona. The State gave every man 
a blanket and supplied the bunks in the barracks 
with plenty of good clean straw. Cooking utensils 

12 



ITS ORGANIZATION 

were furnished in proper quantities. 

At this time the population of Minnesota was sub- 
stantially confined to the valleys of the Mississippi 
and Minnesota rivers and their tributary streams. 
The public lands were open to settlement under the 
pre-emption laws of the national government, only, 
except with such scrip as could be obtained for loca- 
tion. 

The vast prairies of the state had not yet dis- 
closed their true value for settlement, except where 
they were within a reasonable distance from bodies 
of timber, as coal was, as yet, an unknown fuel so 
far west. Practically, the entire population consisted 
of young men, mostly unmarried, who had come west 
to establish homes, and the outbreak of hostilities 
found them more or less free to take an active part 
in the coming struggle. They were mostly natives 
of the country, or descendants of families who had 
long been in the country, and had been born to re- 
gard the country with all the affection of native land. 

The laws in force under which they expected to 
build up their fortunes, such as the land laws of the 
United States, and the broad and comprehensive pro- 
visions of the United States constitution which se- 
cured to them the protection of the general govern- 
ment in all that concerned the most vital concerns of 
their lives, assured their steadfast loyalty to the 
general government. 

Those who traced their origin to foreign lands 
represented all Western European countries — Eng- 
land, Ireland, Scotland, Wales, France, the so-called 
"low countries," the German and Austrian states, 
Switzerland, Russia, Spain, Italy and Scandinavia. 

It was realized that if the secession germ was al- 
lowed lodgment in the body politic, and this united 
country was divided into two, it would lead to further 

13 



f 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

divisions that would destroy the prosperity of the na- 
tion and the peace and happiness of the people. 

Those who tendered themselves to the government 
in this spontanous movement were fit, physically and 
intellectually to be moulded into soldiers of the first 
class. 

The various elements, in point of nationality, that 
composed the regiment can be understood from the 
different nationalities in Co. B, which included 16 
Swiss, 18 Germans, 14 Scandinavians, 5 Irish descent 
and the remainder Americans. 

The men of the regiment always remembered 
gratefully their first days as soldiers at Fort Snell- 
ing. Their condition then was far superior to what 
it was ever afterward. They cleaned out and soon 
had cozy and neat the old quarters in the old Fort 
which had been occupied by the regular soldiers forty 
years before, when Colonel Snelling was in command, 
and thirty-two years before, when Zachary Taylor 
was in command. Visitors in bevies, swarms, and 
crowds came up every day ''to see the soldiers." 
The ladies brought unsubstantial sweetmeats and 
knick-knacks of every sort, and also fair words and 
bright smiles, and were always welcome. 

Then there were social occasions of a military 
sort. On May 1, Colonel Gorman was presented with 
a fine sword by his friend and compatriot, Maj. "W. J. 
Cullen, of St. Paul. The ceremony of presentation 
was witnessed by a big crowd. That day also ex- 
Governor Sibley sent the regiment one hundred dol- 
lars as a contribution to its emergency fund. The 
next day the first regimental dress parade was held, 
witnessed by a great multitude of men, women and 
children. 



14 



CHAPTER II. 

FIRST SERVICES IN MINNESOTA. 

THE first services performed by any of the com- 
panies of the regiment were rendered in Minne- 
sota at the Government's forts in the State. These 
military posts (or "forts," as they were officially 
termed) were Fort Ridgely, on the Minnesota, 
in Nicollet County, a hundred miles west of St. 
Paul; Fort Ripley, on the upper Mississippi, in Crow 
AVing County, a hundred miles northwest of St. Paul; 
and Fort Abercrombie, on the North Dakota bank of 
the Red River, fifteen miles above the present site 
of Wahpeton, and nearly two hundred and twenty- 
five miles northwest of Fort Snelling. Fort Ridgely, 
the oldest post, was built in 1853, and Ripley and 
Abercrombie were constructed later. 

The Government forts in Minnesota, in the first 
part of April, 1861, were garrisoned by detachments 
of the Second United States Infantry. About May 1, 
these were ordered to Washington and on May 4, 
General Scott directed Governor Ramsey to send at 
once six companies of the First Regiment, two to 
each fort, to relieve the companies of the Second 
Regular Infantry at Ridgely, Ripley, and Abercrom- 
bie. The movement was to be made as soon as the 
companies were fully armed and equipped and the 
remaining companies were to remain at Fort Snelling 
and await further orders. 

The men of the companies likely to be affected by 
this order were greatly disappointed and disconcerted 
upon its being made known. They had enlisted to 
fight for the preservation of the Union, not to dry 
up and shrivel away under the lonely and dispirit- 

15 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

ing conditions at the isolated frontier posts, ''yet if 
Uncle Sam says so, we must obey orders, and it's 
all right." But when they realized that several days 
must elapse before the order could be carried out, 
and that in the meantime it might be countermanded 
and the regiment sent to the front, the men became 
reconciled to the situation. The companies sent to 
Ripley and Abercrombie had to be provided with 
wagons for the transportation of commissary and 
quartermaster's supplies. To manage the wagons 
there had to be a wagon-master, so the noted and 
noble old pioneer, Anson Northrup, was appointed 
to the position. 

The date of the complete organization of the regi- 
ment was April 30, 1861, for on that day Colonel 
Gorman notified Governor Ramsey that the regiment 
had been mustered into service, was ready for duty, 
and awaited the orders of the Secretary of War, say- 
ing: "The First Regiment of Minnesota Volunteers, 
nine hundred and fifty men strong, is fully organized 
and mustered into service and awaits your orders." 
And yet the regiment was hardly ready for active 
duty. Three days later the colonel notified Governor 
Ramsey that immediate provision must be made for 
uniforming the men, who, he said, numbered eight 
hundred and sixty-seven; that they needed shoes, 
shirts, caps and socks of the regular army pattern; 
that they were without proper camp and garrison 
equipage and had no knapsacks, canteens, tents, cook- 
ing utensils, axes, spades, or picks, A regiment with- 
out these articles could hardly be considered ready 
for active duty. It was six days after the colonel's 
notice, or on May 9, when black hats and black 
trousers were given the men. Then, with their red 
shirts, or the blue ones with the pictures on them, 
the men were picturesquely (if not fashionably) ar- 

16 



FIRST SERVICES IN MINNESOTA 

rayed, but that did not disturb them or impair their 
capacity for service. The men of the Winona com- 
pany, however, continued to wear their neat gray 
uniforms. 

But May 4 the Secretary of War suggested to 
Governor Ramsey that the regiment re-enlist and be 
mustered into service for three years, instead of 
serving for but three months. It seemed probable 
now that it would take longer to suppress the great 
rebellion than was at first thought ! The Secretary 
said that no more three months' men would be ac- 
cepted from any source ; that the First Minnesota, 
not having taken the field, would, if its members con- 
sented, be mustered out and re-enlisted for three 
years. The re-enlistment would be voluntary, and 
the places of those declining to serve longer were to 
be filled by new recruits. 

The sentiment for re-enlistment was practically 
unanimous, even with the possible contingency of 
having to serve for three years. The desires of the 
men were ascertained, and May 10 a communication 
signed by every officer in the regiment was sent to 
Governor Ramsey, tendering through him to the 
President the regiment for a service of "three years, 
or during the war." The tender was accepted and 
the next day, pursuant to the order of the Secretary 
of War, Captain Nelson re-mustered the men for 
three years from May 11, 1861, though their term of 
service really began — and was so accounted — April 29. 

Governor Ramsey was then in Washington, and 
though the tender had been addressed to him, it was 
received by Lieutenant-Governor Donnelly and duly 
forwarded. The next day the Governor telegraphed 
that the men of the First Regiment must know that 
their being permitted to enlist for three years was 
"a favor which had been extended to no other regi- 

17 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

ment. " A year later the obligation was reversed, 
and it was the Government that felt itself "favored" 
when a regiment enlisted for three years ! Not many 
men declined to re-enlist. The vacancies occasioned 
by those who did decline were very promptly filled. 

More occasions (social and otherwise, but all en- 
joyable), were now indulged in. On the 14th of May 
the friends of Colonel Gorman presented him with a 
fine horse, saddle, bridle, etc. A week later, in re- 
sponse to an invitation from the ladies of Minneapolis 
and St. Anthony, the regiment marched up to the 
Falls and was banqueted in the fine grove then on 
Nicollet Island. 

May 24, when the regiment had been filled to the 
maximum, it went to St. Paul and at the east front 
of the State capitol building received the State flag 
which it carried through its term of service. The 
flag had been made by the ladies of St. Paul and on 
their behalf was presented in a finished speech by 
Mrs. Anna E. Ramsey, wife of the Governor. Colonel 
Gorman received the banner in an eloquent and even 
grandiloquent speech and gave it to Sergt. Howard 
E. Stansbury of Company A, with earnest instructions 
to bear it aloft, and if he should "fall in defense of 
it," his last words were to be, "Save the colors of 
the First Regiment."* Following, there were rousing 
cheers, thunders of cannon, etc., until the air was 
filled wih enthusiastic patriotism and patriotic en- 
thusiasm. The regiment then marched to the Wins- 
low House, on upper Third Street, and enjoyed an 
elaborate and sumptuous banquet. It was then 
taken back to Fort Snelling on the fine steamboats 

*Sergeant Stansbury did not care for the flag very 
long, although it was given to him under such solemn 
and impressive circumstances. A few days later he was 
made a lieutenant in the regular army and left the 
regiment, 

18 



FIRST SERVICES IN MINNESOTA 

Northern Belle and Hawkeye State. 

These days were afterward vividly recalled when 
the regiment was floundering in the mire of the 
Chickahominy and the mud of Falmouth or march- 
ing on scanty rations and weary feet over the red 
clay roads of "old Virginia." Referring to them, 
Lochren says: "During this period, and indeed as 
long as the regiment remained there, Fort Snelling 
was daily thronged by visitors from all parts of the 
State — the soldiers' relatives, friends and neighbors, 
who were often charged with distributing articles of 
comfort and convenience prepared by the ladies of 
different localities throughout the State." 

The design that detachments of the First Regi- 
ment should constitute the guards and garrisons of 
the three Government forts in the State for a time, 
was neither abandoned nor changed. May 28 Major 
Dike, in command of Company B, the Stillwater com- 
pany, and Company G, the Faribault company, set 
out on the steamer Franklin Steele, via the Minne- 
sota River, to relieve the garrison at Fort Ridgely, 
then composed of two companies of the Second 
United States Infantry under Major Patton. At that 
period, and for years later, the Minnesota was navig- 
able for light draught steamboats in the boating 
season as far up the river as the Lower Sioux 
Agency, six miles below Redwood Falls, and often 
far beyond. 

The day after Major Dike's command left, Com- 
pany A. Captain Wilkin, marched for Fort Ripley to 
relieve the companies of the Second Infantry under 
Colonel Abercrombie. A week later Company E, 
Captain Morgan, marched also for Ripley and en 
route met Colonel Abercrombie with the former gar- 
rison, coming down. June 10 Company C, Captain 
Acker, and Company D, Captain Putnam, with 

19 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Lieutenant-Colonel Miller in command of the bat- 
talion, set out on a long march for Fort Abercrombie, 
two hundred and twenty-five miles to the northwest. 

It now seemed altogether probable that the regi- 
ment was doomed to spend a great deal of time 
away from the seat of war, where glory and fame 
were to be had for the plucking, and the war might 
be over before it would be given a chance to dis- 
tinguish itself. 

Meanwhile, on May 28, at the close of dress 
parade, the ladies of Winona, through Capt. Henry 
K. Lester, presented the regiment with a fine national 
flag, the regimental colors, the Star Spangled Banner 
— and long may it wave. This beautiful standard 
did not last long. It was virtually shot to pieces at 
the first battle of Bull Run, was unfit for service 
thereafter, and was returned to the Minnesota State 
Capitol, where its tattered but revered fragments 
still are. 



20 



CHAPTER III. 

THE REGIMENT ORDERED TO WASHINGTON. 

MEANWHILE, "to oblige the boys," Governor 
Ramsey and Senators Rice and Wilkinson had 
been endeavoring to have the First Minnesota re- 
lieved from garrison duty in the State and taken to 
Washington City, where it would be handy in ease 
of a fight. On June 12 Senator Rice telegraphed the 
Governor that Secretary of War Cameron refused to 
order the regiment on to Washington "in consequence 
of the departure of several companies for the forts." 

As early as May 13 Adjutant-General Sanborn 
had telegraphed the Governor — then temporarily in 
Washington — that the Twenty-third Regiment of 
Minnesota Militia, Col. D. A. Robertson, had the full 
regimental complement of men, and tendered its 
services to the Government "for three years or dur- 
ing the war." So, when it seemed that the First 
Regiment could not be sent to the front, the alterna- 
tive of calling out Colonel Robertson's regiment and 
having it forwarded to Washington was seriously 
considered. (See War Records; also "Vol. 2 Minn, in 
Civ. and Ind. Wars; also newspapers of June, 1861.) 

But on receiving Senator Rice's telegram June 12, 
Governor Ramsey at once telegraphed Secretary Cam- 
eron bluntly and to the point: 

"Do you want Minnesota Regiment or not? 
If so. Colonel Gorman's is well drilled and 
armed and can be in Washington in ten 
days. A full regiment could not be got up 
in ten days, but I can have the forts relieved 
in less time. Answer." 

The old War Secretary took his time about the 

21 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 



(< 



answer." Senator Rice got after him, however, 
and June 14 he sent it to Governor Ramsey and it 
read: 

"Send to Harrisburg, to await further or- 
ders, Colonel Gorman's regiment. Replace 
the companies at the forts with companies 
of the Second Regiment. Report day the 
regiment will be at Harrisburg." 

He supplemented this telegram the same day with 
another, directing that if the regiment had been 
mustered for three years it should come at once to 
Washington by way of Harrisburg and presumably 
need not stop at the latter place. 

Responding to the first telegram, the Governor 
directed Adjutant-General Sanborn to order Colonel 
Gorman to report himself and his command "forth- 
with at Harrisburg." As soon as a swift messenger 
could carry it, the Colonel received the order and 
broke the official envelope as eagerly as a boy lover 
opens a letter from his sweetheart. The St. Paul 
Pioneer and Democrat of June 16 described what 
followed the reception of the order at Fort Snelling: 

"The news that the First Regiment was 
ordered to Harrisburg was transmitted to 
Fort Snelling about ten o'clock Friday night. 
Almost everybody, save the sentinels, was 
asleep. The Colonel and staff had the in- 
formation first, and it was received with 
every demonstration of delight. Our inform- 
ant says the Colonel fairly howled with joy. 

"The news soon spread to the quarters of 
the company officers and then to the men, 
and such rejoicing took place as had never 
before occurred since the regiment was 
mustered in. The men did not stop to put 
on their clothing, but rushed around hurrah- 
ing and hugging one another as wild as a 

22 



THE REGIMENT ORDERED TO WASHINGTON 

crowd of school boys at the announcement 
of a vacation. 

"There is no sham gratification at being 
ordered forward. The men enlisted for 
actual service in the field, and not to gar- 
rison forts. Many of them are farmers and 
would much prefer being at home this busy 
season than to spend the summer anywhere 
in the State." 

And Lochren says that, although the men realized 
that their time thus far had been well employed in 
the drill and discipline necessary to fit them for their 
duties as soldiers, and that in going to the seat of 
war they would lose many of their accustomed com- 
forts and fare harder than at Fort Snelling, yet they 
had enlisted to fight to put down the rebellion and 
they did not wish to be disappointed. They did not 
want their experience in the war to be confined to 
garrison duty in local forts, for a comparatively 
brief time, when — the war being over(!) — they would 
be relieved by returning regulars who had composed 
the former garrisons. They did not want their mili- 
tary experience to be a bloodless one. Oh, if they 
could have foreseen their future ! 

Almost with the speed of a blizzard wind, couriers 
with return orders rode after the companies that had 
been sent out to the forts. Those dispatched to 
Ridgely and Ripley had reached their destinations 
and were about their duties. But Companies C and 
D, under Lieutenant-Colonel Miller, were toiling along 
under the blazing skies of a Northwest June, amid 
myriads of Minnesota mosquitoes, on the weary 
march to Abercrombie. 

The dispatches of the Colonel, ordering the com- 
panies back to Fort Snelling preparatory to speedy 
departure for the front, were received by them with 
great joy and exultation. Good news is always 

23 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

greeted more heartily when received under dis- 
appointing conditions. With such alacrity were the 
return orders obeyed that in a week (or by the 
morning of Friday, June 21) all the companies were 
back in Fort Snelling except Company A, which had 
to remain at Fort Ripley, and 25 men of Company 
G, under Captain McKune, who had to stay at 
Ridgely and guard valuable Government property 
there until relieved by companies of the Second 
Regiment then being made ready. Therefore Com- 
pany A and the detachment of Company G did not 
reach Snelling until after the Regiment proper had 
left the State, and caught up with it at Washington. 
A rumor reached Company E at Ripley that the 
Regiment would leave Snelling Friday morning, and 
so eager were the men not to be left that they cheer- 
fully obeyed Captain Morgan's order to march all 
night long and were very happy when they got into 
the Fort at sunrise and learned that the regiment 
would not depart until the next day. 

At 5 o'clock on the morning of Saturday, June 
22, the regiment, except Company A, Captain Wilkin, 
and part of Company G, Captain McKune, was 
formed on the parade ground at Fort Snelling 
preparatory to setting out for the front. Colonel 
Gorman reported its numerical strength to be 1,023. 
probably 900 men or more were in line. Religious 
services were held and a brief address bj'- Chaplain 
E. D. Neill, learned scholar and divine, accomplished 
historian, and earnest patriot. He cut the service 
short, as the men were restless, and the good steam- 
ers Northern Belle and War Eagle, lying at the 
Fort's wharf, just under the bluff, had steam up 
ready for departure. . • 

The services over, the men by companies were 
marched down the bluff road to and on the boats, 

24 



THE REGIMENT ORDERED TO WASHINGTON 

well crowding them. In a few minutes the fine 
palatial-like crafts cast off their shore lines, turned 
their prows outward and were swiftly gliding over 
the broad, deep bosom of old Father Mississippi. On 
reaching the upper levee in St. Paul at the foot of 
Eagle Street, the boats landed and the regiment by 
previous arrangement, disembarked and marched 
through the city to say farewell and to receive God 
speed. It was only 7 o'clock, but the streets were 
thronged by a sympathetic and enthusiastic multitude. 
There was short time for leave-taking, though hearts 
were sore and fears brooding, and in half an hour the 
men were aboard the boats again and sweeping down 
the river, the Northern Belle for La Crosse and the 
War Eagle for Prairie du Chien. Fifty years later 
the event was properly celebrated. 

Only brief halts Avere made en route. At Hast- 
ings, Red Wing, Lake City, Wabasha, and Winona 
the companies organized at these places were allowed 
to land for fifteen minutes for parting with relatives 
and friends. At each stop there was a quarter of an 
hour of sighs, tears, and sad hearts, mingled with 
pride, hope and fond wishes. 

The women of Minnesota had full sympathy for 
their soldiers. The fair have always loved the brave. 
Our yvomen and girls loved the soldier boys and 
gave their feelings practical expression. They fed 
them dainties and supplied them with comforts when 
they could. They knit socks and made shirts for 
them, and when the regiment left St. Paul for Wash- 
ington nearly every soldier had a havelock made for 
and given to him by the women of the cities and 
towns where the companies were organized. Of 
course, after a little while havelocks went out of 
popularity and style. The boys didn't care whether 
or not the back of their necks were sunburned; other 

25 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

things were of more importance. 

Minnesota matrons and maidens did their full 
duty by their soldier fathers, husbands, brothers, and 
sweethearts, actuated as much by love of country as 
by natural affection and sympathy. They were as 
patriotic and self-sacrificing as the Spartan women 
of old, who in time of war gave their girdles for 
sword belts, their hair for bow-strings, and while 
their heart-strings were breaking with love, pushed 
from their embraces their dearest ones and sent them 
forth to fight for the country. 

The Northern Belle reached La Crosse about 
midnight and the "War Eagle got to Prairie du Chien 
at 3 o'clock in the morning. Notwithstanding the 
unseasonable hour, the people of each little city 
turned out in great numbers to welcome the Minne- 
sotians. At Prairie du Chien nearly the entire 
population of the modest but patriotic town came 
forth from beds and home and received them with 
an artillery salute and the most profuse hospitality. 

It must be borne in mind that at that time, and 
for more than a year later, the nearest railroad 
depots to Minnesota were La Crosse and Prairie du 
Chien. The railroads they represented were in im- 
perfect condition and had but limited facilities. 
Neither the La Crosse nor the Prairie du Chien depot 
could entertain 900 men on a single train or a single 
day. For this reason, both depots and their roads 
had to be utilized in transporting the First Regiment 
from the Mississippi River to Chicago. Luckily both 
roads made connection at Janesville, Wis., and there 
was good solid roadbed thence to Chicago. 

From both La Crosse and Prairie du Chien, rail- 
way transportation in first-class passenger cars was 
furnished the Minnesotians. Many of these men had 
never ridden on a railway ear before and the sensa- 

26 



THE REGIMENT ORDERED TO WASHINGTON 

tion was as novel as it was pleasant. Moreover, both 
detachments were given bountiful and sumptuous 
dinners the next day as the guests of the railroad 
company. The junction at Janesville was made on 
time and the regiment arrived in Chicago at 6 o'clock 
on the evening of June 23. The entire trip through 
Wisconsin was really a great continuous ovation. 

"Brave boys are they; gone at their coun- 
try's call; 

And yet — ah! yet, 

We cannot forget 
That many brave boys must fall." 

At the depot of the Northwestern Railroad Com- 
pany in Chicago a great crowd had assembled to 
greet the regiment with hearty and enthusiastic 
cheers. The mayor of the city, "Long John" Went- 
worth, the old friend and associate of Governor Sib- 
ley and a long-time friend of Minnesota,* made the 
men a short but very complimentary speech of wel- 
come. Then he rode with Colonel Gorman at the 
head of the regiment, as it marched through crowded 
and cheering streets, to the Pittsburg & Fort Wayne 
depot. Although it was near sunset, thousands were 
on the streets to see the volunteers from Minnesota 
whose coming had been announced. On the morning 
of the 24th all the Chicago newspapers made a news 
feature of the passing of the regiment through the 
city, although it had been preceded by several other 
regiments. The Tribune said: 

"Our city has been for some time on a 
qui vive to see the first installment of troops 
from loyal Minnesota pass through the streets 
en route to the seat of war. Their arrival 
last evening was heralded by a dispatch 

*He was a member of Congress when Minnesota was 
organized as a territory. 

27 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

from our special reporter at Janesville and 
a bulletin from the Tribune office. An im- 
mense concourse of spectators greeted their 
arrival at the Chicago & Northwestern Rail- 
. road depot, where they debarked from the 
cars at 6 o'clock. Gallant Minnesota de- 
serves high credit for her noble sons and 
their appearance yesterday. They have en- 
joyed in their makeup that rare and excel- 
lent process of selection and culling from 
the older states which has thrown into the 
van of civilization the hardy lumbermen and 
first settlers in the Northwestern wilds. 
There are few regiments we have ever seen 
that can compare in brawn and muscle with 
these Minnesotians, used to the axe, plow, 
rifle, oar, and setting pole. They are un- 
questionably the finest body of troops that 
has yet appeared on our streets." 

The regiment arrived in Chicago at 6 p.m. and at 
10 o'clock, in the first-class cars of the Pittsburg, 
Fort "Wayne & Chicago Railway, departed for Harris- 
burg. Good meals were furnished by the railroad 
company and everything possible done for their com- 
fort. Pittsburg was reached at midnight. At Hunt- 
ingdon, in the mountains of Pennsylvania, just as the 
sun was rising, the train halted for fifteen minutes; 
but early as it was, the ladies were waiting and as 
soon as the train stopped they boarded it laden with 
hot and delicious coffee, pastry, etc., and gave the 
men a bountiful luncheon. 

Harrisburg was reached at 10 o'clock in the 
forenoon of the 25th. The regiment left the cars 
and went into a "camp of instruction" recently 
established, and where there were already several 
other new regiments in tents. The entire trip from 
Fort Snelling had been practically a grand junket. 
Companies A and K, which had been temporarily left 

28 



THE EEGTMENT ORDEEED TO WASHINGTON 

behind in Minnesota, were commiserated because they 
had missed such a good time. 

The men of the regiment expected to remain in 
the Harrisburg instruction camp for some time and 
be drilled and otherwise prepared for further duties, 
although Colonel Gorman had fairly drilled their legs 
off at Fort Snelling. But at the unseasonable hour 
of 3 o'clock on the morning following their arrival, 
they were called out of their sleeping quarters and 
rushed aboard a train of cattle cars bound for Balti- 
more. While these cars were less comfortable than 
upholstered passenger cars, yet it was realized that 
no other transportation was available, and everyone 
was satisfied to accept such as the government could 
furnish. 

Soon the train left Pennsylvania and entered 
Maryland. All along the railroad the people were 
Unionists and by waving flags and handkerchiefs let 
the Regiment know their sentiments. A large ma- 
jority of the people of the State were loyal to the 
old flag, although two months before as the work of 
rabid secessionists the blood of Union soldiers had 
"flecked the streets of Baltimore." Nearing that 
city the men were greeted with the first hostile 
demonstration, when an old woman angrily shook a 
broom at them. 

At Baltimore — as in nearly every other city of 
that day and for years later — different systems of 
railroad did not connect their depots. There were 
few union depots. A depot of one road might be 
on the north side of a town, and the depot of an- 
other road might be on the south side. The regiment 
had to march through Baltimore from Pittsburg 
depot to that of the Baltimore & Washington. 

Two months before, the Sixth Massachusetts, while 
passing quietly through the streets, had been fired 

29 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

■upon by a mob and a few of its men were killed and 
others wounded. The First Minnesota did not invite 
such a demonstration, but the men were ready for 
it. They loaded their muskets and fixed their 
bayonets, and would have used them to effect had 
the frowning, scowling fellows they passed on the 
sidewalks even snapped a cap. 

Baltimore was left late in the afternoon and 
Washington City reached at 10 o'clock at night. 
Quarters for the night were obtained in the Assem- 
bly rooms, and Hon. Cyrus Aldrich, one of Minne- 
sota's Congressmen, furnished a supper. The first 
stage of the journey was over. 



30 



CHAPTER IV. 

AT WASHINGTON AND ALEXANDRIA. 

THE next morning, June 27, after its arrival in 
Washington, the regiment went into camp a 
short distance east of the Capitol building. The 
camp was a fine one, well furnished, and the sur- 
roundings were all that could be desired. But daily 
and tiresome drills were resumed during the stay of 
a week, although the men had become fairly proficient 
in these exercises before they left Minnesota. They 
were told that the object of so much training was to 
make them disciplined and capable, so they would 
stand the severest shock of battle without breaking 
and do their whole duty as soldiers. This theory 
was to be put to the test and all were anxious for it. 

General Winfield Scott, the grand old hero of 
many wars, was now in general command of the 
armies of the United States. He was 75 years of 
age, but possessed a vigorous mind, was a true pa- 
triot, and had the confidence of the people. In April 
he had offered the active command to Lieut-Col. 
Robert E. Lee, but Virginia seceded April 17 and Lee 
chose to go with his State. Eventually General Scott 
gave the command of the forces in and about Wash- 
ington to Gen. Irvin McDowell, a West Pointer, who 
had served with credit in the Mexican War and on 
General Scott's staff, and had been made a brigadier 
early in May. 

The authorities of the Confederacy had removed 
its capital from Montgomery, Ala, to Richmond, Va., 
100 miles from Washington. It was a popular idea 
that the objective of operations in the East would 
be the capture of Richmond, the rebel capital, both 

31 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

for its effect on the South as well as on foreign 
opinion. For weeks Horace Greeley in the New York 
Tribune, and many other wiseacres in the North had 
been crying out, ' ' On to Richmond ! On to Richmond ! 
"Why doesn't our army move upon the rebel forces 
and the rebel capital at once?" 

Virginia had not fairly seceded until the forces 
representing the rebellious States were along the 
Potomac and elsewhere on Virginia borders prepar- 
ing to defend her "sacred soil" from invasion by the 
"Northern hordes." Confederate flags were soon 
flying within plain sight of Washington, and Confed- 
erate troops were defending them. 

The Confederate authorities had sent Gen. Pierre 
Gustavo Toutant Beauregard to command their forces 
in front of Washington. Gen. Joseph E. Johnston 
was the supreme commander of the Confederate forces 
in all Virginia ; but he was over in the Shenandoah 
valley with a snug little army of some 10,000 men, 
and had left the Confederate situation in Virginia 
south of Washington in charge of General Beaure- 
gard. To watch General Johnston and keep him 
from coming to Beauregard's help (if the latter 
should need it) was the duty of Union Gen. Robert 
Patterson with a force nearly all three months' men. 
General Patterson was an old man almost to the point 
of infirmity. 

Very soon after a military situation and condition 
was established in Washington, General McDowell 
began dispatching small parties of Union troops into 
Virginia to learn the situation and "feel of the 
enemy." The Confederates, too, were reconnoitering 
and scouting about their side of the Potomac. On 
the 24th of May 5,000 Union troops moved over from 
Washington and occupied the town of Alexandria. 
There was no resistance on the part of the Confed- 

32 



THE KEGIIMENT ORDERED TO AVASHINGTON 

erates, save that Col. Elmer E. Ellsworth, of a noted 
regiment, called the Fire Zouaves, was shot and killed 
by a hotelkeeper named Jackson, whose secession 
flag the Union colonel had pulled down and was 
carrying away. The Virginia Confederates, 500 in 
number, under Col. Geo. H. Terrett, according to 
orders, retired without resistance. 

The First Minnesota crossed the Potomac and first 
pressed the soil of old Virginia at the ancient town 
of Alexandria, July 3, 1861. The regiment was 
brought doAvn the river from Washington by steam- 
ers from the navy yard and landed at the Alexandria 
wharf at noon. The little but historic old town was 
silent; grass was growing in the streets and all the 
residence houses seemed deserted. This was George 
Washington's town, and not far away rest his re- 
mains. He it was who helped to create and who more 
than anyone else maintained the flag of the stars and 
stripes at most critical periods, and now in his 
former home town were none to do it reverence ; ev- 
eryone was its enemy. 

As the regiment marched through the streets the 
men cheered, but there was no response. The only 
living persons in the place seemed to be negroes, who 
stood in flocks at the street corners looking upon the 
soldiers in dead silence and blank astonishment. The 
regiment was inspected by General IMcDowell, then 
marched a mile west of Alexandria and went into 
camp in a twenty-acre field. All about were the 
camps of comrade volunteers. 

In their new camp in what was fairly a tented 
field, the regiment resumed drilling. There were 
daily details for guard dut5^ Posts were established 
on the railroad to guard that thoroughfare, and the 
telegraph. There were guards on all the roads and 
especially at every cross road. Corp. Sam E. Stebbins, 

33 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 
of Company K, wrote to the Winona Republican : 

"We do not let anybody pass the lines 
without a written pass signed by the proper 
army officers. Even the folks that live on 
one side of the road and have land on the 
other cannot pass without showing a writ- 
ten permit. There are lots of ladies going 
visiting, and we have to stop them and 
examine their passes, and if they have no 
pass it is our duty to arrest them and send 
them to headquarters. As we are only a 
mile from the city of Alexandria, we have 
plenty to do. We have a little shed right 
at the junction of the roads to sit under 
when not engaged in active duty. Before 
long we expect to move forward to attack 
the rebels, and if they don't run we shall 
have some fun. We are anxious for a 
chance to meet the scamps on an open 
field." 

Within a fortnight after writing, Corporal Steb- 
bins had his wish granted. He met the "scamps" 
and had "some fun" with them. The meeting ended 
in his receiving a lump of lead in his body which 
put him out of the fight. He was a good soldier 
and bravely stuck to his post as long as possible, but 
was finally discharged for disability in the fall of 
1862. 

While at the Alexandria camp the regiment was 
sent out to the west and south on scouting expedi- 
tions "feeling for the enemy." Two or three times 
it was called out under arms late in the night to 
repel an imaginary attack. These false alarms were 
then considered essential to correct military training. 

Also while at Alexandria the regiment became part 
of its first brigade organization. With the Fifth and 
Eleventh Massachusetts regiments and Battery I, 
First U. S. Artillery, it constituted Gen. W. B. 

34 



THE REGIMENT ORDERED TO WASHINGTON 

Franklin's First Brigade of Gen. Samuel P. Heint- 
zelman's Third Division of General McDowell's 
Army of Northeastern Virginia. All these generals 
were regular army officers of long service. General 
Heintzelman had served on the Northwest frontier, 
and for a long time had been stationed at Mackinaw 
and Fort SneUing. 



35 



CHAPTER V. 

BULL RUN. 

BY the middle of July the Confederate position in 
northern Virginia was well established, and well 
known. General Beauregard had selected the now 
famous little stream called Bull Run as the line 
which he proposed to defend against attack, or from 
which he might advance upon the enemy, according 
to circumstances. 

Bull Run is a small watercourse, in its largest 
division of the dimensions of a medium creek, in ex- 
treme length about 25 miles from source to mouth. 
Its source is in the highlands near the village of 
Aldie, Loudoun county. It flows in a general direc- 
tion southeastwardly around ]\Ianassas Junction and 
five miles below this point empties into the Occo- 
quan, which stream in turn falls into the Potomac 
about fifteen miles below Alexandria. The term 
^'run" as applied to a watercourse is a Southern and 
"Western idiom denoting a stream larger than a brook 
and smaller than a creek. It is said that Bull Run 
takes its name from a prominent English planter 
who lived near the mouth of the stream in Colonial 
times. 

Manassas Junction is four or five miles southwest 
of Bull Run. In 1861 it was the junction of the Ma- 
nassas Gap and Orange & Alexandria railroads, which 
jointly used a single track from thence to Alexandria. 

General Beauregard had established the Confed- 
erate position along Bull Run at a distance of four 
or five miles northeast of ^Manassas Junction, con- 
venient for the transmission of supplies, etc. The 

36 



BULL RUN 

Confederate forces were drawn out along a line about 
eight miles in length. 

The banks of Bull Run were lined with scrubby 
timber and were high, steep, and abrupt. The stream 
could not readily be crossed except by the fords, 
and there were several of these. From Union Mills 
Ford northwesterly or up stream, they were Mc- 
Lean's, Blackburn's, Mitchell's, Island, Ball's and 
Lewis's. Northwest of the stone bridge and the 
Warrenton turnpike was Sudley's Ford, high up the 
stream. Wilmer jMcLean, owner of the farm opposite 
the ford of that name, was also the owner of the 
house at Appomattox C. H., in which Lee sur- 
rendered to Grant. At Bull Run his house was 
General Beauregard's headquarters. 

Along the Run, on its right or southerly bank, at 
these fords. General Beauregard prepared good 
breastworks with abatis and with the Run in front 
as a ditch. At each ford he placed a strong force 
of artillery. The intervals between the fords were 
weakly manned. The idea was that the stream could 
not be passed, except at the fords, by cavalry and 
artillery, and with difficulty by infantry. 

On the 16th of July General McDowell moved his 
army from the banks of the Potomac towards the 
enemy. 

The First Division was commanded by Gen. Daniel 
Tyler, the Second by Col. David Hunter, the Third 
by Col. Samuel P. Heintzelman and the Fifth by 
Col. Dixon S. Miles. Colonels Hunter, Heintzelman, 
and Miles were colonels in the regular army. The 
Fourth Division, commanded by Gen. Theodore Run- 
yon, was left in the works on the south bank of the 
Potomac. 

The forces reached Fairfax Court House, sixteen 
miles south of west of Washington, at 3 o'clock on 

37 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

the afternoon of the 17th and Centerville, four miles 
from Fairfax, the next day. Centerville is six miles 
eastwardly from Bull Run. A few scattered Con- 
federate scouts were encountered, resulting in the 
wounding of three Union soldiers. The men were 
unused to marching, the weather was hot, the roads 
dusty, and the movement was attended with some 
personal discomfort and much loud complaint. Two 
years later the march would have been easily and 
indifferently made. One of the Union spies with 
the army was Matthias Mitchell, who lived on a tract 
which became part of the battlefield of Bull Run. 

As soon as Beauregard was well satisfied that 
McDowell was moving against him with superior 
force, he called earnestly for help. He telegraphed 
Jeff Davis and the other authorities at Richmond, 
and Gen. Joe Johnston, over at Winchester. 

General McDowell's first plan was to attack the 
Confederates on the south or right of their line, not- 
ably at Blackburn's and Mitchell's Fords. Good 
roads from Centerville crossed Bull Run at each 
ford, but as Blackburn's was farthest down stream 
and at the more vital point of the Confederate flank, 
it was thought probable that the main Union attack 
would be made there. This was McDowell's opinion, 
and also Beauregard's. General Beauregard, there- 
fore, strengthened the defenses of Blackburn's Ford 
to meet the emergency. Gen. James Longstreet's 
brigade constituted the defenders. 

The real movement of General McDowell was a 
flanking movement by General Heintzelman around 
the enemy's left wing and this regiment participated 
in that flanking operation. The First Minnesota left 
its camp near Fort Ellsworth on July 16 and joined 
in the general advance of the army. Ten men from 
each company (mostly sick or ailing ones, making 

38 



BULL RUN 

100 in all) were left behind to care for the camp. 
The march that day was a slow one and the regiment 
only reached the near vicinity of Fairfax Court 
House, a few miles from Fort Ellsworth. Camp was 
made in a jack-pine thicket on a ridge. The next day 
Sangster's Station, on the Orange & Alexandria Rail- 
road, (locally called Sangster's Cross Roads) was 
reached early in the afternoon and the Regiment 
went into camp in a region abounding with ripe black- 
berries. The soil of the country was thin and worn 
out by more than a hundred years of cultivation. 
The farmers were not progressive and their crops 
were always scanty; but fruits, especially small 
fruits, both wild and cultivated kinds, grew bounti- 
fully. 

Of the march to Sangster's Station Chaplain Neill, 
under date of July 17, wrote : 

''I slept under the hospital ambulance. 
During the night another regiment, the 11th 
Massachusetts, joined our brigade. Before 
sunrise we were all on our winding way, 
the artillery immediately in front of our 
regiment. We travelled all forenoon through 
a wooded country, with here and there a 
clearing, and with a poor log farmhouse and 
an apology for a barn in the shape of a few 
pine logs loosely put together and half de- 
cayed. The inmates are what the Virginians 
call "poor whites." The mother stands at the 
door, a tall, vacant, gaunt, care-worn woman ; 
the children pale and buttonless; the father 
ill clad and looking as if he were half 
ashamed to hold up his head in the presence 
of decent people. 

"Two miles after we began our march 
this morning, we passed an aguish-looking, 
badly frightened man whose horse had been 
shot last night by our pickets and who had 
received a wound himself. Two women were 

39 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

by his side, one white and coarse-featured, 
the other more refined, a plump matronly 
quadroon, who seemed to show quite a con- 
jugal interest in the man. She told me that 
he was hunting for a colt when our soldiers 
challenged him, and not understanding them, 
he did not stop and they fired on and 
wounded him and killed the horse. 

"While standing at the farm gate of a 
Union family originally from New York, 
news came that the enemy was in force at 
Fairfax Station and his pickets near by. 
Axmen soon went forward to cut away the 
obstructions the enemy had placed in the 
road. The Zouaves were hurried up and 
went by us jumping like squirrels, to strike 
the railway near the supposed rebel camp, 
while we moved along with the Massachu- 
setts 5th and the battery to attack the left 
flank. We soon came to deserted picket 
posts, and in a little while at an abandoned 
camp ground there was a great dense smoke 
and we learned that the rebels had left 
in haste this morning, burning up all the 
stores they could not carry with them. We 
hastened on until we reached a high pla- 
teau overlooking the valley through which 
the railways pass and also looking over to- 
ward the Blue Ridge Mountains. We again 
saw smoke ahead and in half an hour ar- 
rived at Sangster's Station, six miles south- 
west of Fairfax Court House and only 
eight from Manassas Junction, headquarters 
of Beauregard. The rebels retreated and in 
passing down from Fairfax Court Plouse to- 
day they burned all railroad bridges. Had 
we been here four or five hours sooner we 
could have caught them all. We tramped 
sixteen miles today under a hot sun." 

The following day, July 18, occurred the affair at 
Blackburn's Ford, under General Tyler. That day 
Lieutenant-Colonel Miller, with Companies A and B, 

40 



BULL RUN 

made a reeonnoissance five miles to the front, nearly 
to the Confederate lines. On their return the men 
of the party said to their comrades, *'The rebs are 
out there all right, and they'll fight, too." 

July 19 the regiment and Heintzelman's Division 
marched to the vicinity of Centerville and united 
with the main army. Centerville (commonly spelled 
Centreville) was a little hamlet on one street with 
half a dozen or more houses. Its principal building 
was a small one-story stone church. The most abun- 
dant and cheapest building material in the country 
was stone, which was much used in construction 
work. Centerville was on the Warrenton turnpike, 
''a good broad highway leading down" from Wash- 
ington to Warrenton a southwest course of some 
fifty miles almost as straight as the crow flies. It 
was a fine thoroughfare, for plenty of stones had 
been used in its construction and it was firm and 
strong. 

July 19, the Chaplain wrote from Centerville a 
letter filled with interesting items : 

''A three days' march brought us to this 
place, where we found the rear of General 
McDowell's Division. The first day we ad- 
vanced from Alexandria to Pohick Creek ; the 
second day sixteen miles to Sangster's Sta- 
tion, on the Orange railway, twenty miles 
from Alexandria. 

"Yesterday morning Captain Wilkin was 
sent up the railway with twenty men to 
scout. He returned in about two hours with 
the intelligence that three miles distant he 
perceived about 500 of the enemy on a hill 
commanding the road. In the afternoon, 
Lieutenant-Colonel Miller, with Companies 
A and B was ordered to proceed on the 
railway and discover if the bridge over Bull 
Eun at Union IMills was burned. They pro- 

41 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

eeeded about the same distance, and with the 
aid of a field glass Colonel Miller and Lieu- 
tenants Downie and Thomas distinctly saw 
a battery of five or six guns where Captain 
Wilkin saw the enemy in the morning. 

''While they were absent the long roll 
was sounded and the brigades of Colonel 
Heintzelman's Division were quickly on the 
march again. Just at dark, not far from 
Centerville, we heard that there had been a 
bloody engagement at Bull Run where a de- 
tachment under General Tyler had been 
mowed down by a masked battery. Shortly 
after the rumor came, it began to rain and 
we were drenched. Without provisions, sur- 
rounded by twenty hungry and wet regi- 
ments and with nothing but bad news of 
the afternoon fight* to digest, we went sup- 
perless to bed, if sleeping in the open air 
can be called going to bed. 

"This morning, amidst anathemas fierce 
and loud from long lines of Zouaves and 
others, a band of eight rebel soldiers was 
marched through the camp up to General 
McDowell's tent. They were a picket sta- 
tioned near Fairfax Court House, which the 
rebels in their hasty departure had forgotten 
to call in. Their uniform was rather Fal- 
staffian. Their heads were covered with 
apologies for hats and caps. Two wore 
dark brown blouses and the rest were 
dressed in iron grey satinet with green 
trimmings. They belong, I believe, to an 
Alabama regiment." 

The next day, Saturday, July 20, was a gala day 
in McDowell's camps. The mustering officer came to 
the regiment and mustered in several recruits, who 
had been on duty several days, withovit having been 

*Reference is made to the affair at Blackburn's Ford, 
already referred to. 

42 



BULL RUN 

sworn in. Visitors, officials, and private citizens came 
out from Washington in carriages, bringing their own 
supplies (including plenty of liquors) and bound for 
a good time. They were under no military restraint 
and were so numerous that as they thronged the 
streets and passed to and fro among the troops, the 
camp fairly resembled a monster military picnic 
ground. (Fry, Batts, and Leads, p. 183.) Many of 
these visitors (to their subsequent humiliation and 
sorrow) remained over in camp until and including 
the greater part of Sunday. The troops were en- 
camped at various distances from Centerville. 

General Tyler's big division next morning, Sunday, 
July 21, made another demonstration, this time 
against the Stone bridge, only a few miles away on 
the Warrenton Pike. 

While Tyler's Division was cannonading and other- 
wise demonstrating against the Stone bridge, two 
miles below, Hunter and Heintzelman crossed the 
Run, moved down the little valley, and fell upon the 
rear of the Confederate forces at the bridge. It was 
expected that Tyler's operations would so distract 
their attention that Hunter and Heintzelman would 
have no difficulty in taking the defenders by sur- 
prise and defeating them. Then when the Second 
and Third Divisions had attacked, Tyler's would 
cross the Run and co-operate and the three Divisions 
would make summary disposition of Beauregard's 
army. Johnston's "Army of the Shenandoah" was 
supposed to be a hundred miles away. 

After a march of ten or twelve miles, Heintzel- 
man 's Division came up to the ford at 11 a. m., 
having been enlivened and inspirited for an hour or 
so by the sound of battle in front. Franklin's Bri- 
gade (to which the First Minnesota belonged) crossed 
the ford at about 11 :30 and Colonel Franklin, by 

43 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

direction of General McDowell, sent the regiment 
forward a few hundred yards to re-inforce the flank- 
ing force. 

It was brought on the field first under the guid- 
ance of Captain Wright, of Colonel Heintzelman's 
staff, as a flanking force. It moved at quick time 
until it arrived at an open field which overlooked the 
battlefield. Here the regiment remained for several 
minutes. Some of the men wandered about and 
amused and refreshed themselves by gathering black- 
berries, which were somewhat plentiful, others picked 
flowers that abounded. In a little while, however, 
it was ordered through the woods to a position near 
the front and center of the Confederate line. This 
was the first position, and it was in an open field 
and under the direct fire of the enemy's batteries. 
(Gorman's report). 

After ten minutes in the field, it was ordered by 
both Colonels Franklin and Heintzelman to the sup- 
port of Ricketts' Battery. To obey this order the 
regiment had to pass in front of the enemy's line, 
a mile or more to the extreme right of the Union 
line. The movement was executed in quick and 
double-quick time. It was a July day under a Vir- 
ginia midsummer sun and the march was very try- 
ing. IMany of the men threw away blankets, haver- 
sacks, and even their indispensible canteens in order 
to run with swiftness the race set before them. (Gor- 
man.) 

This was to be the regiment's first fight. It had 
not yet been in a skirmish fight — never under fire. 
There were no braver spirits, physically and morally 
than the men of the First Minnesota. They were al- 
so finely drilled and well disciplined. But to march 
into a fierce battle, "into the jaws of death", for the 
first time without perturbation, misgivings, and ner- 

44 



BULL RUN 

vousness, is a march that has never yet been made. 
Of course the men knew their danger, but bravely 
they faced it. As they marched into position on the 
brink of the Henry Hill, they passed a small stream 
flowing in a shallow valley and as they ascended saw 
the dead bodies of a few Zouaves that had been killed 
a few minutes before, their gaudy uniforms now 
dabbled with blood, their forms and faces distorted 
by an agonizing death, and their glassy eyes staring 
up into the sk3\ The spectacle was not encouraging 
or inspiring. 

The regiment came up and Colonel Gorman 
quickly put it into battle line. It was in advance of 
all the other Union troops. Colonel Gorman says the 
position was ''within 50 or 60 yards of the enemy's 
line of infantry." "When General Heintzelman rode 
between the lines "within pistol shot of each," 
Colonel Gorman says the circumstance "staggered my 
judgment whether those in front were friends or 
enemies. But in a few minutes they displayed the 
rebel and we the Union flag." 

The Confederates soon destroyed the battery and 
had time to reload and drive away the Zouaves 
(who had been sent in at this point) and were 
crouching in the jungles of scrub oaks and pines 
waiting for the Union attack. Companies A and F, 
the right companies of the regiment, were two rods 
from the Henry wood when Colonel Heintzelman rode 
along and gave the order to "feel in the woods for 
the enemy." Captain Colvill of Company F saj^s the 
order was promptly~responded to by the two com- 
panies, "first by volleys and then by a continuous 
fire." 

By giving way to the right and left to allow Riek- 
etts' battery to pass through, the regiment had be- 
come divided into two wings. Lieutenant-Colonel ]\[il- 

45 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

ler was present with and commanded the detached 
portion of the right wing. Colonel Gorman says the 
division was caused by "the configuration of the 
ground and the intervening woods." Lochren says 
the left companies were separated from the right 
companies when Ricketts' guns "were taken back 
through the center of the regiment." Others say the 
division occured when Ricketts w:ent forward from 
his first stand with his battery to his new position. 
But Lochren further says that in moving the regiment 
"by companies into line" in the brush, as it neared 
the top of the hill the left companies were the last 
to get into line at the edge of a narrow clearing in- 
to which the batteries had "just" passed. Lieutenant- 
Colonel Miller wrote to the New York Tribune, re- 
ferring to Colonel Gorman at Bull Run, as follows : 

"Our wings were necessarily separated by 
the battery of Captain Ricketts, so that 
Gorman and I and our respective wings 
could not see each other until the conclu- 
sion of the conflict." (Bloomer's Scrap 
Book, p. 20.) 

This would indicate that the wings of the regi- 
ment were placed on either flank of the battery. At 
no time was any part of the regiment on the left of 
the battery. 

First Lieut. Myron Shepard states as his recollec- 
tion: 

"It is my opinion that Ricketts' battery 
operated entirely to the left of the regiment. 
The wrecked battery, dead horses, etc., lay 
30 or 40 yards to the left of Co. B. during 
the latter part of the action. Of this I am 
positive. Ricketts' battery was wrecked 
and mostly abandoned before the regiment 
was half through fighting. I explain as fol- 
lows: While we were forming line of battle, 

46 



BULL EUN 

we had to give way, right and left, for Rick- 
etts' battery to pass through and to its posi- 
tion on our left. Fighting followed instant- 
ly. The interval (in our line) could not be 
closed at once, and so the regiment fought 
in two battalions, and Ricketts' battery was 
destroyed almost instantly." 

Captain Searles, in Loyal Legion "Glimpses"; 
second series, on this point writes: "One wing hav- 
ing been partly separated from the other by Ricketts' 
Battery as it went into action, the regiment gradually 
became separated into two portions, one body under 
Colonel Gorman and the other under Lieutenant- 
Colonel Miller." The weight of testimony is that the 
division was caused by the passage through it of 
Ricketts' Battery on its way to its last position. 

Lochren says that soon after the regiment was 
in line, "there was already firing at the right of the 
regiment, but the occasion was not understood." This 
would seem to have been the firing of Companies A 
and F mentioned by Colvill and which was ordered 
by Heintzelman. As if in response to this firing, 
Lieutenant-Colonel Boone* of Colonel Falkner's regi- 
ment, the Second Mississippi, rode from the Confed- 
erate position to that of the two right companies of 
the First Minnesota. He had seen the red shirts of 
the regiment and thought it was the Fourth Ala- 
bama, many of whose men Avere similarly garbed. 
He came to caution the Minnesotians not to fire on 
their "friends!" Mr. Javan B. Irvine, who was serv- 
ing with Company A, promptly made a prisoner of 
Colonel Boone (to the latter's great astonishment) 
and he was sent to Washington. He was the officer 
of highest rank captured and retained by the Union 
troops that day. The incident made Mr. Irvine an 

*Colvill calls him "Col. Coon of a Georgia regiment." 

47 



THE FIRST jMINNESOTA 

officer in the regular army for the rest of his life.* 

The Confederates were near enough to witness the 
capture of Colonel Boone. They now knew that the 
forces in front of them were Union troops, and not 
the Fourth Alabama. Suddenly from the entire Con- 
federate line came another terrible explosion of ar- 
tillery and musketry and another volley of iron and 
lead swept the Henry house plateau. The deadly 
storm, with its fierce red lightning and crashing 
thunder, struck the Minnesotians squarely in their 
faces, and the shock was as if there had been a great 
explosion of dynamite before their eyes. 

Only for a second were the Minnesotians stag- 
gered or stunned. Then Colonel Gorman gave the 
order to fire, which was obeyed on the instant. For 
a few minutes it was give and take between the 
forces. Owing to the very short distance between 
the contending lines, the fighting was very hot and 
deadly. Volley after volley followed. The Confeder- 
ates had by far the greater volume of fire, and after 
again sweeping the ground occupied by the batteries, 
they seemed to concentrate it upon the First Minne- 
sota. They had another decided advantage in that 
they outnumbered the Minnesotians very largely. 
While not behind artificial breastworks, they were 
really intrenched in the thickets of jaekpine and scrub 
oaks and the natural ditches and gullies of that hilly 
site. The Minnesotians were fairly in the open with 
the Confederate artillery "en enfilade" and hurling 
death into them from a position only 350 yards away, 

*A few weeks after his capture, Colonel Boone took 
the oath of allegiance to the United States, renounced 
the Confederacy, and was released from the Old Capitol 
prison at Washington. During the reconstruction period 
he was made a District Judge in the Booneville district of 
Mississippi. He resided at Boonevlle, where he died 
in 1880. 

48 



BULL RUN 

and the infantry volleying at them from the front. 

Colonel Gorman saw that under the forbidding 
circimistances his men could not accomplish any good 
purpose in their perilous position and if they re- 
mained longer they would be involved either in ter- 
rible destruction or hopeless confusion. Seeing also 
that the greatest part of the Union forces present 
were apparently falling back, he gave the order to 
retire. The regiment moved back in the best order 
in which any command left that part of the field 
during the battle. 

"While falling back, however, the ground passed 
over was contested by desultory firing for four hun- 
dred yards, until the small stream formerly men- 
tioned, called Yqun^'^ Branch, was reached and the 
men supplied themselves with water, of which they 
Vv^ere in great need. Eeforming, the regiment 
marched northward on the Sudley road, the route 
over which they had come to the battle field. The 
men who were in the ranks recrossed Bull Run at 
the Sudley Ford and then followed the road they 
traversed in the morning down to the Warrenton 
Pike and thence east. Those who had broken ranks 
crossed the Run wherever they came to it and took 
what route seemed safest. 

The division in the Regiment continued until after 
Bull Run was crossed. Lochren says that after it 
retired from the battle line it remained for some 
time at the foot of the hill on whose crest it had 
fought and then went back to Buck Hill, where the 
knapsacks had been left. From thence it went to the 
Sudley Ford and re-crossed the Run and "here we 
were joined by a considerable part of the right 
companies of our regiment." From Buck Hill to Sud- 
ley Ford is fully two miles, a long distance to march 
before the two divisions could be united. This in- 

49 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

dicates the general state of disorder at the time. 

Half a mile below or south of the Sudley Ford, 
very near the Sudley spring and in the Sudley church, 
a Union field hospital was established, and here the 
severely wounded of the regiment were left with 
Surgeon J. H. Stewart and Assistant-Surgeon C. W. 
LeBoutillier in charge. The name Sudley was of 
much geographic prominence in this immediate sec- 
tion and became noted. The Sudley road, the Sud- 
ley Ford, the Sudley spring, the Sudley house, the 
Sudley mill, the Sudley church and the Sudley hospi- 
tal all became historic. 

The regiment moved from Sudley Ford toward 
Centerville next to the rearmost regiment, the First 
Rhode Island of Burnside's Brigade, temporarily 
commanded by Governor Sprague, the plucky gover- 
nor of the plucky little state. The First Minnesota 
marched first by platoons, but some demoralized cav- 
alry came rushing to the rear and threw them into 
confusion and the men "did not afterward try to 
keep in order." 

Nearing Centerville, the route over which they 
passed was under fire of Kemper's Virginia Battery, 
from Alexandria, which had crossed Bull Run below 
the Stone bridge and was shelling the retreating, 
straggling Unionists. (Kemper's report.) The First 
Minnesota passed through Centerville and at the 
close of that long, hot, terrible, but eventful day, 
stumbled into its camp of the night before and what 
men were present dropped to the ground and went 
instantly to sleep without eating. They expected 
that the fighting would be renewed the next morning 
at Centerville, when they would be on the defense 
and the Confederates on the aggressive and they 
wanted to be rested and refreshed for the encounter. 
Half an hour later they were called up by the cooks 

50 



BULL EUN 

for hot coffee and to receive an order. 

General McDowell found himself at sundown with 
a defeated and badly broken army. Many of his best 
officers and men were killed or wounded, hundreds 
of others were either prisoners or fugitives in the 
wastes of the country, more than half of his cannon 
had been lost, and the morale of his army was gone. 
Then came word that the Confederates, flushed and 
glowing with victory and with a very strong force, 
much of which was quite fresh, were advancing to 
attack him at Centerville. The dark hour was on 
Saul. He at once issued orders to the men left him, 
though they were in sad plight, to continue the re- 
treat to Alexandria, back under the shelter of the 
guns and forts defending Washington. This was the 
order the Minnesotians received with their coffee. 

The order meant to men already exhausted the 
march of a distressed army for 25 miles amid the 
gloom of a black darkness and a crushing defeat. 
Lochren says: 

''How it was accomplished cannot be told. 
The writer, carrying knapsack, haversack, 
musket and complete soldier's outfit, was on 
this march several times awakened from deep 
sleep by stumbling against some obstruction. 
In the forenoon of the next day we were 
back in our tents at Alexandria, thoroughly 
exhausted and soon asleep ; but in the after- 
noon we were called up and marched to 
"Washington, six miles or more, in a heavy 
rain, by way of the Long bridge." 

After the First Minnesota retired from the battle- 
field at perhaps 2 :30 p. m., the fight was practically 
over at that part of the field. 

WHAT THE COMMANDERS SAID. 
The First Minnesota's Division commander, Heint- 

51 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

zelman, and its Brigade commander, Franklin, were 
both officers in the regular army. They were 
strict disciplinarians, without fear or favor, and 
praised good conduct sparingly but denounced bad 
conduct unmercifully. Of the work of the regiment 
at the Henry house plateau, Colonel Heintzelman in 
his official report, describing his attempts to capture 
the plateau, said: 

"Franklin's Brigade was posted on the 
right of a woods near the center of our 
line and on ground rising toward the enemy's 
position. In the meantime I sent orders for 
the Zouaves to move forward to support 
Ricketts' Battery on its right. As soon as 
they came up I led them up against an Ala- 
bama regiment partly concealed in a clump 
of small pines in an old field. At the first 
fire they broke and the greater portion fled 
to the rear, keeping up a desultory firing 
over the heads of their comrades in front. 

* * * The regiment as a regiment did not 
appear again on the field. I then led up 
the Minnesota regiment, which was also 
repulsed, but retired in tolerably good order. 
It did good service in the woods on our 
right flank and Avas among the last to re- 
tire, coming off the field with the Third 
U. S. Infantry. Next was led forward the 
First Michigan, which was also repulsed and 
retired in considerable confusion. * * * 
The Brooklyn Fourteenth then appeared on 
the ground, coming forward in gallant style. 

* * * Soon after the firing commenced 
this regiment broke and ran; I considered it 
useless to attempt to rally them. During 
this time Ricketts' Battery had been taken 
and retaken three times by us, but was finally 
lost, most of the horses having been killed. 
Captain Ricketts was wounded and taken 
prisoner and Lieutenant Ramsey killed. Lieu- 
tenant Kirby behaved with great gallantry 

52 



BULL RUN 

and succeeded in carrying off one caisson." 

It will be noted that of all the four regiments 
that Colonel Heintzelman names as having been sent 
forward to support or retake the battery, the First 
Minnesota is the only one that retired in good order. 
Colonel Franklin, the Brigade commander, reported: 

"The First Minnesota Regiment moved 
from its position on the left of the field to 
the support of Ricketts' Battery and gallant- 
ly engaged the enemy at that point. It was 
so near the enemy's lines that friends and 
foes were for a time confounded. The regi- 
ment behaved exceedingly well and finally 
retired from the field in good order. The 
other two regiments of the brigade (the 
Fifth and Eleventh Massachusetts) retired 
in confusion, and no effort of myself or staff 
was successful in rallying them." 

The First Minnesota had one commissioned of- 
ficer killed and five officers wounded. Capt. Lewis 
McKune of Company G, the Faribault company, was 
the officer killed. He was a prominent citizen of 
Faribault, had been a member of the Republican 
wing of the State Constitutional Convention in 1857 
and was highly esteemed. He was 39 years of age. 

The officers wounded were : Capt. "Wm. H. Acker 
and 2nd. Lieut. Samuel T. Raguet of Company C, 
one of the St. Paul companies; Capt. H. R. Putnam 
of Company D, the Minneapolis company; First Lieut. 
A. E. Welch of Company F, the Red Wing company, 
and First Lieut. Joseph Harley of Company I, the 
Wabasha company. A fortnight later Captain Acker 
was transferred to the Sixteenth U. S. Regular In- 
fantry and April 6th, following, he was killed at 
the battle of Shiloh. Captain Putnam was after- 
wards made a captain in the Twelfth U. S. and was 

53 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

duly transferred. Lieutenant Welch became major 
of the Fourth Minnesota and died at Nashville, 
February 1, 1864, at the early age of twenty-four. 
Lieutenant Harley resigned ten days after he was 
wounded. 

The two commissioned officers reported missing in 
the official records were Surgeon J. H. Stewart and 
Assistant Surgeon C. W. LeBoutillier. They were in 
attendance upon the wounded when the Confederates 
came upon them, made no resistance, and it cannot 
be well said that they were captured; they simply 
fell into the hands of the enemy and became prison- 
ers. Lochren well says of them : 

''They remained in attendance upon the 
wounded on the field when they might have 
escaped with the retreating troops, and were 
detained as prisoners. Their skillful care of 
our wounded doubtless saved many lives and 
alleviated in many ways the condition of 
their wounded comrades." 

They never returned to the regiment. Their posi- 
tions had to be filled before their release, and for 
the time they were nominally transferred to other 
organizations. After being exchanged Dr. Stewart 
remained in St. Paul, connected with the mustering 
of troops. After the war he was elected to congress. 
He died in St. Paul in 1884. Dr. LeBoutillier became 
surgeon of the Ninth Minnesota and died in the 
service in 1863. 

According to the official reports of the com- 
manders made soon after the battle and published in 
Volume 2 of the War Eecords, in the Union army 
the regiment suffering the greatest loss in killed was 
the Eleventh New York, the Fire Zouaves, with 48. 
Then came the First Minnesota with 42, the Sixty- 

54 



BULL RUN 

ninth New York with 38; and the Seventy-ninth New 
York with 32. 

The regiment losing the greatest number of killed 
and wounded was the First Minnesota, with one 
officer and 41 men killed and eight officers and 100 
men wounded, a total of killed and wounded of 150. 
It seems probable, however, that the number of 
wounded given is too small and was only estimated 
in the first reports. Loehren, however, adopts the 
above figures. 

The nominal list of killed and wounded, as pub- 
lished in Volume 2 of "Minnesota in the Civil and 
Indian Wars," does not agree with the official re- 
ports. That list gives one officer and 31 men killed 
and 4 died of wounds, a total of 36. The list, how- 
ever, gives the name of John 0. Milne, Company I, 
as killed, when he was wounded and made a prisoner. 
The number of wounded by the list was 5 officers and 
119 men, 124 in all, making a grand total of 160 
killed and wounded. The War Records (Heintzel- 
man's report) gives 28 as the number of the regi- 
ment missing. 

Two days after the battle of Bull Run, the regi- 
ment was again encamped on its former ground, the 
first occupied when it came to Washington, and was 
fairly comfortable in its new quarters a little east of 
the capitol. About July 24 drilling was resumed. 
Before going to Bull Run, when the regiment was 
camped back of Alexandria, Colonel Gorman had writ- 
ten to Governor Ramsey: ''I say to you sincerely, 
we are the best drilled and best disciplined regiment 
in the service, and such is the judgment of the regu- 
lar officers that have seen us." (Minn, in Civil and 
Indian War, Vol. 2, p. 29). But perhaps the battle 
convinced the Colonel that there still remained some- 
thing to be taught the men. 

55 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Lochren says that while in this camp the regiment 
— for the only time in its history — manifested some 
discontent and lack of morale. The men did not 
soon recover from the depression that followed Bull 
Run, and they alleged many other causes of dissatis- 
faction which they would have afterward considered 
too trival to notice. They said the mess beef and the 
hardtack were not tender and toothsome. They had 
received no pay, and many things were to be had 
in Washington for money. They had received no 
new uniforms and were still wearing the red woolen 
shirts and black pants. The men wrote back to Min- 
nesota about their hardships. Ten letters from the 
St. Anthony company were received in one week. 
The ten recipients and others appealed to Governor 
Ramsey and he took the matter up with Adjutant- 
General Sanborn and Colonel Gorman. 

General Sanborn rushed to Washington and 
reached the regiment's camp July 29, finding that a 
full supply of coats, blouses and pants had been dis- 
tributed among the men two days before, and that 
previously they had been provided with shoes and 
caps, so that he "found the regiment fully provided 
with all needed clothing." (Minn, in Civil and Indian 
Wars, Vol. 2, p. 32.) Quartermaster Geo. H. Woods 
wrote to General Sanborn: "Our regiment has always 
had, since we came to Washington, the full amount 
of rations." Chaplain Neill wrote: "I have no idea 
that there has been any suffering among the regiment 
for lack of proper clothing. With a few exceptions 
the men have appeared tidy and not 'all tattered and 
torn' in their dress of blue pants and red shirts. 
This week they have received the blue uniform of 
the United States. From the first, in tidiness and 
general appearance, they have appeared well in the 
clothing which they obtained in Minnesota." Colonel 

56 



BULL RUN 



Gorman wrote: 



"No man has suffered for want of cloth- 
ing. Complaints may be (and very likely 
have been) made by soldiers that wished to 
run around the city and their pride prevented 
their doing so, owing to the looks of their 
clothes. Our army is better fed, better 
clothed, and better cared for than the army 
of any other government in the world.*** 
If their friends at home listen to the idle 
tales that are told, insubordination and ulti- 
mate dishonor must come to us. We have 
been in service three months and our men 
have been supplied with three shirts, two 
pairs of pants, one dress coat, one blouse, 
one cap, one hat, three pairs of socks, two 
pairs of shoes, two pairs of drawers, two 
blankets and full army rations." 

Very soon the kickers were silenced and their 
friends at home satisfied. The great majority of the 
men never murmured at conditions, no matter how 
severe. They expected toil, hardships, and even 
suffering, and were ready to bear them at all times. 
A superb body of men physically, the First Minne- 
sota always looked well. Even when it wore red 
shirts and black pants, it seemed more fit for service 
than the fancifully dressed regiments — the Zouaves, 
garbed to resemble Turcos, Arabs or French troops. 



57 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE UPPER POTOMAC AND CAMP STONE. 

SOON after the battle of Bull Run the Confederates 
advanced their outposts from Centerville and 
Fairfax Court House to Munson's Hill, in the Vir- 
ginia environs of "Washington and almost to the 
banks of the Potomac. This movement was of no real 
military value to their cause, but it gave them the 
prestige (of which they were very vain) of flaunting 
their new flag of the stars and bars within view of 
President Lincoln, the U. S. Congress, and the people 
living in the national capital. 

In a little time, however, General Johnston set his 
men at work more practical than flaunting a flag be- 
fore the capital. He caused them to erect several bat- 
teries on the Virginia side of the Potomac, with a 
view of obstructing the navigation of that river. This 
work was quite successful. Early in October the 
great water highway by which a large part of the 
supplies for the Union army around Washington was 
brought forward from the North, was effectually 
closed. This actual ''blockade of the nation's capital" 
by the Confederates produced a deep feeling of 
humiliation throughout the North and bitter com- 
plaints against the military authorities and their 
policy. 

The day after the battle of Bull Run, Gen. Geo. 
B. McClellan was telegraphed to come immediately 
from "West Virginia and take command of the dis- 
comfited and disorganized army at "Washington, and 
instantly he obeyed. General McDowell vacated the 
command very willingly and gracefully and without 

58 



THE UPPER POTOMAC AND CAMP STONE 

any sort of ill feeling. He seemed heartily glad to 
get rid of his job. 

General McClellan at once began to organize his 
army and plan his future movements. He was deter- 
mined not to fight another battle until he was good 
and ready. When there was a clamor that the Con- 
federate blockade of the Potomac be removed by an 
assault on the rebel batteries from the Maryland side, 
or by a movement by the right bank of the Potomac, 
he refused to allow the movement for the reason that 
it would bring on a general engagement, for which 
he was not ready. 

After Bull Run the Confederates sent detach- 
ments to occupy positions on the Virginia side of the 
upper Potomac, so that they might facilitate the 
crossing of their own forces into Maryland and get 
in the rear of Washington City, or prevent the Union 
troops from crossing the Potomac to the Virginia 
side and turning the Confederate flank. To meet 
this movement General McClellan sent forces up the 
Potomac on the Maryland side. Gen. N. G. Evans, 
the alert and plucky Confederate commander at the 
Stone bridge and who opened the ball at Bull Run, 
had been sent to Leesburg, county seat of Loudoun 
County, Va., 35 miles northwest of Washington and 
five miles back from the Potomac, to keep watch and 
ward over that part of the river. To confront him 
and counteract his operations, General McClellan 
sent up a force on the Maryland side opposite Lees- 
burg. 

The First Minnesota was one of the regiments 
sent up the river. August 2 the regiment broke 
camp and marched for the upper Potomac. Four or 
five miles out they halted at Brightwood, a suburb 
practically of Washington. Here the following day 
came a paymaster and gave the men three months' 

59 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

pay in gold and treasury notes. The privates re- 
ceived pay then at $11.00 a month, which rate was 
soon after raised to $13.00 a month. When the men 
received their pay and heard the gold and silver 
jingling in their pockets, Lochren says "discontent 
vanished at once." 

The march was then resumed, and on the evening 
of August 5, Rockville, the county seat of Mont- 
gomery County, was reached. At this time Rockville 
was a "pleasant village, but with rather a disloyal 
population." The truth was, Bull Run made many 
Marylanders and other border state men disloyal. On 
the evening of the 7th, Seneca Mills, on Seneca Creek, 
was reached and here the regiment began its picket 
duty on the upper Potomac and remained nine days. 

August 16 Seneca Mills was abandoned and a per- 
manent camp established in a slightly sloping field 
about midway between Poolsville and Edwards Ferry 
over the Potomac, and about a mile and a half from 
each of these points. Poolsville was a little village 
five miles back or east of the Potomac. Edwards 
Ferry was at or near the mouth of Goose Creek, 
thirty miles northwest of Washington. The camp be- 
came the permanent locale for the regiment for more 
than six months, or until the latter part of February, 
1862. In honor of the brigade commander, Gen. 
Charles P. Stone, the camp was called Camp Stone. 

General Stone had long been an officer in the reg- 
ular army. He was very prominent, active and useful 
in the operations to prevent Washington City from 
falling into the hands of the secessionists in the win- 
ter and early spring of 1861, and commanded a bri- 
gade in Patterson's army. August 4 he was given 
a brigade in the "Division" of the Potomac, as it was 
then called. This brigade was composed of the First 
Minnesota, the Fifteenth Massachusetts, the Second 

60 



THE UPPER POTOMAC AND CAMP STONE 

Regiment N. Y. State Militia (Eighty-second Volun- 
teers) and the Thirty-fourth Regiment of New York 
Volunteers. Upon the organization of the army of 
the Potomac (Oct. 15, 1861) General Stone was given 
a division composed of three brigades, viz : His old 
brigade, now under General Gorman, and to which 
had been added Kirby's Battery; Lander's Brigade 
of Michigan and Massachusetts regiments, and 
Vaughn's Battery B, First Rhode Island Artillery, 
and Baker's Brigade of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 
(chiefly) including the Seventy-first Pennsylvania 
command, called the California Regiment, and Bunt- 
ing's Sixth New York Battery. 

Kirby's Battery was the old Ricketts' Battery (I, 
First U. S.)* reorganized and now under Lieut. Ed- 
mund Kirby, who at Bull Run brought away three 
limber chests and 56 horses, and all the battery 
that was saved, doing this while his face was covered 
and streaming with blood from wounds. (See How- 
ard's report Vol. 2, War Recs., p. 418). A number of 
the men from the infantry regiments of this bri' 
gade were transferred at their request to this bat- 
tery. August 8, while at Seneca Mills, John Thorp of 
Company K, Winona company, wrote his father at 
Rollingstone as follows : 

''I wish we could stay here for two or 
three weeks, as this is a beautiful country 
and there is plenty of good spring water, 
which we prize more than anything else. The 
health of the camp is a great deal better 
than it was when we Avere in Virginia. Some 
of our men are pretty Avell used up by ex- 
posure and fatigue, but I have stood it first- 

*Somehow many of the Minnesotians came to believe 
that Kirby's Battery of the First Artillery was identical 
with the old Sherman Battery of the Third Artillery, and 
even with the old Fort Ridgely Battery of the Second U. S. 

61 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

rate so far, and so have all the Rollingstone 
boys." (Bloomer's Scrap-book.) 

August 18, a member of a St. Paul company 
wrote to the Pioneer: 

"Scarcely had we become familiar with 
the scenery and associations around Seneca 
Falls before we were again ordered to move. 
On the 13th the Red Wing, Hastings and 
Wabasha companies proceeded to Edwards 
Ferry and two days later the remaining 
companies followed them. Our march this 
time led by Senaca Mills up a steep hill and 
thence through a fine wooded country bor- 
dered on both sides with waving fields of 
corn and rich orchards, while elegant dwell- 
ings dot the landscape. In some places, where 
orchards lined the sides of the narrow road, 
the branches (drooping under the heavy 
load of apples and peaches) formed natural 
arches of foliage and fruit. About noon 
we passed through Poolesville, a little village 
of about 150 inhabitants. Here Ricketts' 
Battery was re-organized after the late 
battle. Dr. Murphy, from St. Anthony, is 
now our surgeon and with zealous devotion 
attends to the suffering of our sick and dis- 
abled. Dr. Hand acts as assistant surgeon." 

Camp Stone was the one particular bright spot of 
all the many camps sojourned in by the First Minne- 
sota. The site was fine and healthy, and the country 
as beautiful as any in all bonnie Maryland. Loyal 
people abounded, the young ladies were attractive, 
and everybody was friendly — even the "secesli" of 
the country. More clothing was issued, pay day came 
again, a sutler arrived with a big stock of notions 
and other supplies, the men built good cookhouses 
and bake ovens, and by drawing rations of flour 
instead of hardtack, and buying corn meal at a neigh- 

62 



THE UPPER POTOMAC AND CAMP STONE 

boring mill, greatly improved their fare, so that 
(as they expressed it) they lived like "princes and 
fighting cocks." Being well fed, well cared for and 
well exercised, the regiment became more efficient 
and contented than ever before. (Lochren). 

Only the proper amount and the right kind of 
exercise were practiced. There were daily drills, of 
course — would they never have done with them? — 
and picket duty down along the Potomac. The latter 
was performed readily. There was just enough dan- 
ger about it to give it sufficient spice and relish. The 
Confederates from Leesburg were performing similar 
duty along the opposite shore (the Virginia side) and 
there was danger of great bodily harm to a Union 
picket if he wasn't careful. The Minnesotians com- 
posed the Union pickets for some distance up and 
down the river on either side of Edward's Ferry. 
Sam Stebbins, although still suffering a little from 
his Bull Run wound, was back on duty and August 
24 wrote about life at Camp Stone to the Winona 
Daily Republican : 

"We are stationed about two miles from 
the Potomac river, 30 miles from Washington, 
and form a line of guards from Harper's 
Ferry to Washington. I like this guard 
duty first-rate. There is something excit- 
ing about it. It takes three companies for 
picket guard at a time. The companies 
whose turn it is to go on duty put their 
knapsacks in a wagon, take two days' ra- 
tions in their haversacks and march down to 
the Ferry, which is headquarters for the 
guards. Then we are distributed to the 
posts, six or seven in a place except at the 
Ferry, where besides the guard there are 
twenty or thirty men left as a reserve. The 
posts are half a mile apart. In the daytime 
we can all sleep except one at a time, but 

63 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

at night we all have to keep awake, with 
our eyes and ears wide open. The river 
here is about 80 rods wide and the enemy 
has pickets on the other side ; but there are 
trees and brush on the banks of both sides, 
so we can keep out of sight of one another, 
save when we go down to the water. We 
have a little skirmish almost every day, 
but as yet there have been none of our regi- 
ment killed or wounded, although there have 
been several narrow escapes. 

"We can see our enemies every day and 
sometimes we can talk with them. The other 
day some of our boys were working in the 
river when two of the rebels came along on 
the other side and asked them where their 
guns were. Our boys replied that they had 
them close by, and inquired what kind of 
gun the others had. The rebels responded 
that they had the Minie rifles, and one of our 
boys told them it was 'a d — d lie.' The 
rebels thought that was an insult, so they 
instantly fired at our boys, and then ran in- 
to the bushes out of sight. At the Ferry our 
boys have a swing put up among the trees 
and I have often seen them sit and swing for 
a long time right in sight of the enemy. In 
fact, none of us would take any pains to 
keep out of sight of them if it were not for 
the strict orders of General Stone. We are 
told by the men on the other side of the 
river that they have the same orders over 
there, so all of our little battles must com- 
mence in disobedience to orders." 

Thus it will be seen that the mode of warfare 
practiced by the contending forces in the neighbor- 
hood of Edwards Ferry was a most comfortable and 
exemplary one, and entirely appropriate to the con- 
duct of a war between fellow-citizens of the United 
States. But, however commendable it was in that 
respect, it was not practical in results, and did not 

64 



THE UPPP:R POTOMAC AND CAMP STONE 

hasten the close of hostilities. Eougher work had to 
be done, and it was done. 

The duties of a day in permanent camp were reg- 
ulated by a prescribed program. If they were such 
as required the co-operation of more than one com- 
pany, or called for similar action of all the companies 
at the same time, although acting independently, the 
command was given by the bugler stepping to the 
center of the parade ground and sounding the ap- 
propriate "call." Thus there was the "reveille," 
which waked the soldier in the morning. The men 
readily came to set appropriate words to the music 
of the first and last call of the day as well as some 
others. 

The words which seemed to flow from the bugle 
at "reveille" were: 

"I CAN'T wake 'em up, I CAN'T wake 'em up, 
I CAN'T wake 'em up in the morning. 

(Repeated.) 

"The corporal's worse than the private, the 
sergeant's worse than the corporal, 

"The lieutenant's worse than the sergeant, and 
the captain's worst of all! 

"I CAN'T wake 'em up, I CAN'T wake 'em up, 
I CAN'T wake 'em up in the morning." 

By the time this call ended, anyone who still 
slumbered was rudely awakened by some comrade, 
for it meant to turn out to first roll call. 

The last call of the day — "Taps" — seemed to say: 

"Put out the lights. Go to sleep. Go to sleep. 

Go to sleep. 
"Go to sleep. Put out the lights. Go to sleep. 

Go to sleep."* 



pmrn i ' f' l ^miUiSh 



*Se6 brochure, "Two Bugle Calls," by O. W. Norton, 
The Neal Pub. Co., New York City. 

65 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

The hunting horn quality of the bugle made its 
tones reverberate throughout the camp. There were 
calls for breakfast, dinner and supper; sick calls; 
calls for sergeants, reports to the adjutant, officers 
report to the colonel, companies to form (or "fall 
in") for roll call, for mounting guard, for companies 
to form in line for dress parade and various calls 
for use in company and battalion drill. But the use 
of the bugle in the various evolutions of the company 
and battalion in drill maneuvers as well as in battle 
Avas mostly confined to the cavalry and artillery. 

On the 24th of August there was a skirmish at 
Conrad's Ferry, five or six miles above Edward's 
Ferry, and thereafter the situation was no longer "all 
quiet along the Potomac." The Tammany regiment 
was stationed on the Maryland side, at Conrad's and 
a detachment from Leesburg was stationed back from 
the river on the Virginia side. The Confederates 
were not much in evidence at Conrad's as were their 
brothers down at Edward's, and on the 23d, to ascer- 
tain if they were there at all, two Tammany officers 
crossed the river and reconnoitered. It seemed that 
the Confederates kept close watch on the river only 
at night. Their headquarters were in an abandoned 
house, half a mile from the river. Back at Leesburg 
was a fortified position which they called Fort Evans, 
for their commander. In Fort Evans was a battery, 
Captain McCarthy's Richmond Howitzers, six 12- 
pounder Napoleons. The captain of the battery fre- 
quently resorted to the headquarters called the Daly 
house, and the Tammany officers visited it and found 
evidences that the artillery officers frequented it, and 
left their cards, on which were written invitations to 
return the call. (Stebbins.) 

The next morning the Richmond Howitzers moved 
down to the river and cannonaded the position of the 

616 



i 



THE UPPER POTOMAC AND CAMP STONE 

Tammany regiment for an hour or more. (Stebbins.) 
The regiment at the time was armed with what 
were known as Harper's Ferry muskets, old smooth- 
bore guns, altered from flint-locks to percussion at 
the Harper's Ferry arsenal, and which had doubtless 
seen service in the Mexican AVar and elsewhere. The 
Tammanyites had them in the battle of Bull Run. 
Now they had them at Conrad's Ferry, but they were 
not effective against artillery at a distance of half 
a mile, since they could not be depended upon to 
carry a ball more than 400 or 500 yards. After a 
time, finding that they were only wasting ammuni- 
tion, the Confederates went back to Leesburg. One 
Tammany man had been slightly wounded. (Ibid.) 

Alarmed at the cannonading, Lieutenant-Colonel 
Miller, then temporarily in command of the Regiment 
at Edward's Ferry, sent out a detatchment of 42 men, 
six from each of the seven companies not on active 
duty — under Lieut. Gus. Holzborn, of the Winona 
company — to see what the trouble was. The lieutenant 
marched his men up to Conrad's and encamped there 
for the night. The next morning the Richmond 
Howitzers came down and resumed the cannonading, 
this time coming closer to the river. The 42 IMinne- 
sotians returned the fire with their Springfields, which 
carried well into the Confederate line and perhaps 
did some damage. At all CA^ents, the battery retired 
after an hour or so, and Lieutenant Holzborn marched 
his detachment back to Edward's Ferry and reported. 
The men had been sheltered in a ditch and were un- 
scathed. (Ibid.) 

Firing now began at all the other stations up and 
down the river from Edward's Ferry. At the latter 
post, however, the Minnesotians soon arranged a 
truce with the Nineteenth Virginia, on the opposite 
side of the river. The conditions were, ''I'll let you 

67 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

alone if you'll let me alone," and they were relig- 
iously observed for many days. Frequent conver- 
sations, friendly enough, were held between the op- 
posing factions, even with the consent of the officers. 

General Stone, who was in command, did not for- 
bid these courtesies. In fact, he was all courtesy, 
kindness, and chivalry himself toward the Virginia 
people. He gave numerous passes and permission for 
men and women (chiefly women) to cross the river 
each way. It was claimed that his good nature was 
imposed upon and that many a pretty woman who 
was allowed to pass upon some plausible excuse, 
sweetly and irresistibly alleged, was really a Con- 
federate emissary or spy. 

The Confederates were stricter. Stebbins says 
that on one occasion, about the first of September, a 
woman with a little girl came to the Ferry with a 
pass from General Stone and wanted to cross over 
into Virginia. A man was with her, and the Con- 
federates made them wait until they sent back five 
miles to General Evans and obtained permission for 
them to enter the lines and go to Leesburg. 

The first Minnesota had a fine time at Camp 
Stone during the month of September. That month 
is generally ideal weather in Maryland. The skies 
are clear, the temperature agreeable, apples and 
peaches abound and sweet potatoes are ready for the 
digging. At one time Stebbins wrote, "The condi- 
tion of the regiment seems to be in many respects 
better than it ever was before. Many peddlers come 
into camp every day, bringing in for sale vegetables, 
butter, pies, cakes, family bread, etc. I have gained 
eight pounds since pay-day." These good halcyon 
days continued until late in October, when they were 
rudely disturbed. 

68 




BVT. MAJ. GEN. NAPOLEON J. T. DANA, 
The Second Colonel of the Regiment. 



THE UPPER POTOMAC AND CAMP STONE 

CHANGES IN THE OFFICIAL ROSTER. 

While at Camp Stone there were many shiftings 
and changes among the officers and men of the regi- 
ment. A squad was transferred to the Western gun- 
boat service and a few sent to the U. S. Signal Corps. 
Of the latter, Asa T. Abbott, of the St. Anthony 
company, became a lieutenant in the regular army. 
October 1, Colonel Gorman was appointed a briga- 
dier-general of volunteers and duly assigned to the 
command of a brigade in General Stone's Division. 
The brigade had been commanded by General Stone 
who was now promoted to Division Commander. 

To succeed General Gorman as colonel of the First 
Minnesota, it had been arranged to appoint Napoleon 
Jackson Tecumseh Dana. His commission was dated 
October 2 and he joined the regiment ten days later. 
Colonel Dana was then practically a Minnesotian. He 
was born in Maine, in 1822, graduated from West 
Point in 1842, served in the regular army nearly fif- 
teen years, was in the Mexican War and wounded at 
Cerro Gordo, came to Fort Snelling as quartermaster 
in 1852, and subsequently selected the sites of Forts 
Ridgely and Ripley, building the latter post. He 
left the army in 1855, and for some time engaged in 
banking in St. Paul. He had been of much service 
in raising the First Regiment, and it was contem- 
plated that Gorman would soon be made a general 
and that Dana would succeed him as colonel. 

Colonel Dana was with the regiment but four 
months when he too became a brigadier, Feb. 2, 1862, 
and took Lieut. Wm. B. Leach, adjutant of the regi- 
ment, with him as aide. General Dana was wounded 
at Antietam and a month later was made a full 
major-general of volunteers. Lochren says that he 
was a model officer. Always calm, temperate and 

69 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

gentlemanly in demeanor, he enforced the strictest 
discipline without causing any friction or complaint 
or giving rise to any dissatisfaction. His long daily 
drills, with packed knapsacks (still drilling) made 
the regiment perfect in the execution of all battalion 
evolutions and Lochren saj^s "developed the muscle." 
He adds, "The men became devoted to him.*" Gen- 
eral Dana died in 1905.** 

Other changes in the official roster of the regi- 
ment were made while at Camp Stone. Maj. Wm. H. 
Dike resigned, Capt. Geo. N. Morgan, of the St. An- 
thony company, succeeded him and Lieut. George 
Pomeroy became captain of Company E. Capt. Alex. 
Wilkin, of Company A, of St. Paul, was commissioned 
major of the Second Minnesota (then being organ- 
ized) and was succeeded in the captaincy by Lieut. 
Harry C. Coates. Major Wilkin afterward became 
colonel of the Ninth Minnesota and was shot dead 

*Lochren wrote so admiringly of Dana in 1889. When 
Dana was colonel Loehren was a sergeant in the St. An- 
thony company. In 1893 Lochren was U. S. Commis- 
sioner of Pensions, and General Dana was a subordinate 
under him. 

**0n Feb. 3, 18i61, Colonel Dana received a telegram 
from Senator Rice that he had been confirmed by the 
Senate as Brigadier General. Of course the regiment 
felt it necessary to ratify. And it did. A band serenade 
with most of the officers and men present gathered in 
front of headquarters, and finally Colonel Dana appeared 
and made a soldierly little speech, in which he promised 
never to be separated from the Minnesotians if he could 
help it. Officers and men were happy. Later the officers 
made him a present — ^I think — of sword, belt, epaulettes 
and sash. The men, not to be outdone, raised $210.00 
for a saddle, saddle blanket, bridle, holsters, spurs, etc., 
and Sergeant Shepard was selected to make the present- 
ation. But orders came from Washington to General 
Gorman to send two select sergeants to Washington to 
assist at the Capitol in a formal presentation to Congress 
of captured rebel flags, on Feb 2 2d. So Sergeant Price 
of Company I , and Sergeant Shepard of Company B, 
(right general guide, and left general guide, respectively) 
of the First Minnesota were ordered away, and the 
eloquent presentation speech had to be made by another. 

70 



THE UPPER POTOMAC AND CAMP STONE 

from his saddle at tlie battle of Tupelo, Miss., in July, 
1864. Lieut. Minor T. Thomas, of the Stillwater com- 
pany, was promoted to major of the Fourth Minne- 
sota and finally became colonel of the Eighth Minne- 
sota. Capt. William H. Acker, of Company C. of St. 
Paul, had been transferred to the regular army and 
was succeeded by Lieut. Wilson B. Farrell. Capt. 
H. N. Putnam, of the Minneapolis company, was 
transferred to the Twelfth Regulars, and Lieut. De- 
Witt C. Smith became captain of Company D. Lieut. 
Geo. H. Woods of the Minneapolis company, regi- 
mental quartermaster, was made a commissary captain 
and became a lieutenant-colonel, and Lieut. J. N. 
Searles of Company H was made regimental quarter- 
master. Private Wesley F. Miller, of the Minneapolis 
company, and a son of Lieutenant-Colonel Miller, was 
made a lieutenant in the regular army and was subse- 
quently killed at Gettysburg. 

Capt. Henry C. Lester, of the Winona company, 
was promoted to the colonelcy of the Third Minne- 
sota, and Lieut. Gustavus A. Holzborn succeeded to 
the captaincy of Company K. While in the First 
Regiment, Colonel Lester made a good record. 
Lochren says he "was efficient and very highly re- 
garded." His conduct as captain of Company K in 
the battle of Bull Run was extolled and he was 
heartily recommended for promotion to the colonelcy 
of the Third. But while in command of that regi- 
ment at Murfreesboro, Tenn., in July, 1862, he had the 
misfortune to encounter the redoutable Confederate 
leader, Nathan B. Forrest, pronounced by many the 
greatest genius of the war, and the result was that 
Colonel Lester surrendered himself and his men as 
prisoners. There were extenuating circumstances. 
The Confederates greatly outnumbered Colonel Les- 
ter; Forrest had captured the Third's comrade regi- 

71 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

ment, the Ninth Michigan; the colonel and other 
officers of that regiment and General Crittenden, com- 
mander of the post, and a majority of his regimental 
line officers all counseled Colonel Lester to surrender; 
yet when he did so he was dismissed from the service, 
went into obscurity, and Minnesota never forgave 
him. 

Lochren notes,* and many will remember, that up 
to this time (and even later) vacancies in company 
commissioned officers in volunteer regiments were 
filled by elections held by the enlisted men of the 
companies interested. The result was often not for 
the good of the service and the practice was discon- 
tinued. The colonel of the Regiment named the en- 
listed men for promotion to the Governor and after 
the first year promotions were made strictly by 
seniority. The officers of the First Minnesota, with 
scarcely an exception, justified their selection. 

Shortly after the battle of Bull Run, when Sur- 
geon Stewart and Assistant Surgeon LeBoutillier re- 
mained with our wounded and became prisoners, a 
report came that Dr. LeBoutillier had died from 
wounds received. To fill his place Dr. D. W. Hand 
of St. Paul was commissioned assistant surgeon and 
immediately came on and assumed his duties. Not 
long afterward this eminent medical man was made 
a brigade surgeon, and Dr. John H. Murphy, one of 
the very earliest physicians in Minnesota, came on 
and performed the duties of surgeon for some months 
without being commissioned. Lochren says his great 
humor and love of fun worked many cures, especially 
among malingerers and pretenders. He pretended to 

*Generally the commissioned officers met and desig- 
rated the person who should be made second lieutenant. 
After Antietam that choice was, most always, the Senior 
Sergeant. 

72 



THE UPPER POTOMAC AND CAMP STONE 

believe the doleful tales of misery and suffering en- 
dured by these characters, and then blistered, starved, 
or physicked them unmercifully. His favorite remedy 
for a simulated case of sickness was, castor oil taken 
on the spot ! He always effected a cure in such cases. 
In December he left the First to become surgeon of 
the Fourth Regiment and was subsequently surgeon 
of the Eighth. He died in St. Paul in 1894. 

The pleasant sojourn at Camp Stone lasted well 
through the golden days of October with their many 
delightful features to be seen only in the mountain 
districts of the Border States. The camp was located 
near the foothills of the Blue Ridge Mountains and 
spurs of that elevated range penetrated all the region 
round about. The foliage of the trees in the Indian 
summer time was red, yellow, and green in all shades. 
The lowlands and dales were spread with autumn 
blooms. Gazing over them and the beautiful vari- 
colored woodlands, one could see the line of the Blue 
Ridge lying like a low storm-cloud on the horizon, 
and imagine that just beyond that line was the Land 
of Beulah. But about the 20th of October a storm- 
cloud spoiled that picture ! 



73 



CHAPTER VII. 

THE BATTLE OF BALL'S BLUFF. 

GENERAL MeCLELLAN finally decided to clear 
the west shore of the Potomac of the Confeder- 
ate forces that were giving so much annoyance. Gen. 
Geo. A. McCall's Division of Pennsylvanians was 
sent up the river on the Virginia side. October 19 
it advanced nearly to Drainesville, a small village on 
the northwest border of Fairfax County, twenty miles 
northwest of Washington, and ten miles southeast of 
Leesburg, county seat of Loudoun County. 

General McCall's movement was ordered for the 
purpose of covering reconnaissances in all directions 
to be made the next day (the 20th) preparatory to 
driving away the Confederates from the Potomac. 
(McClellan's Own Story.) The reconnaissances were 
successfully accomplished. General McClellan believed 
that these demonstrations would cause the enemy to 
evacuate Leesburg and directed General Stone, whose 
headquarters were then at Poolesville, to ''keep a 
good lookout upon Leesburg" and suggested a "slight 
demonstration" as likely to help force the evacuation. 
(Ibid.) General Stone admitted that McClellan did 
not positively order him to cross the river. 

On the 20th General Stone ordered General Gor- 
man to take his brigade, with the exception of the 
Forty-second New York and the Fifteenth Massachu- 
setts, to Edwards Ferry and make a "display of 
force." The Fifteenth Massachusetts, under Col. 
Chas. Devens, was sent to Harrison's Island, in the 
Potomac, near Conrad's Ferry, four miles above Ed- 
wards and about the same distance due east from 
the Confederates at Leesburg. 

74 



THE BATTLE OF BALL'S BLUFF 

General Gorman marched the First Minnesota and 
the Eighty-second New York down to the Ferry on 
the afternoon of the 20th and "displayed" these 
regiments in all their imposing strength. Kirby's 
Battery shelled the Virginia woods for a time with- 
out response. Then the St. Anthony and Winona 
companies were sent across the river, and drove back 
the enemy's pickets and reserves, a company of Mis- 
sissipians and a detachment of Jenifer's Cavalry. 
After scouting about on the Virginia side for some 
time, they recrossed to the Maryland side and then 
both regiments returned to their camps. 

Colonel Devens 'went to Harrison's Island, sent to 
the Virginia side a rather small scouting party at 
dark and directed it to push out to Leesburg and dis- 
cover the position of the enemy. The party went out, 
and Captain Philbrick said the position was a small 
camp of tents easy to approach and as easy to sur- 
round, and this camp he said was only a mile from 
Leesburg. 

The next morning, October 21, at the "unholy 
hour" of 1:30, raw and chilly and dark as pitch, the 
First Minnesota was routed out of their tents, took a 
hasty and illy-relished breakfast, and then, accom- 
panied by the Eighty-second New York, with knap- 
sacks and other equipment, marched down to Ed- 
wards Ferry again. The two regiments reached the 
Ferry at daybreak, and immediately began to cross 
the Potomac in flat-boats previously provided, two 
companies at a time. In a little while the regiment 
was in line. Two companies were sent out as skir- 
mishers, covering the advance on the Leesburg road 
of Major ]\rix's detachment of thirty-five men of the 
Third New York Cavalry, that went up the road two 
miles but were finally driven summarily back by de- 
tachments of the Thirteenth Mississippi and Jenifer's 

75 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Cavalry. At 11 o'clock the Thirty-fourth New York 
came over from Seneca Mills. The Seventh Michigan, 
of Lander's Brigade, also came. The muskets of this 
regiment were worthless and it was made to dig rifle 
pits, and Gorman's command, 2,250 strong, remained 
here all day and the ensuing night. The Fifteenth 
Massachusetts and the Forty-second New York did 
the fighting for the brigade elsewhere. 

While this movement at Edward's Ferry was be- 
ing prosecuted, the main action was being waged at 
a point higher up known as Ball's Bluff. At this 
i:>oint Colonel Devens had crossed from Harrison's 
Island over to the Virginia bank and had there en- 
gaged the Confederate force under Gen. N. G. Evans. 
The account of this disastrous contest forms one of 
the saddest and most unfortunate conflicts of the war, 
but the limits of this work preclude a detailed state- 
ment. It was in this contest that Col. Baker, com- 
manding the Seventy-first Pennsylvania — commonly 
known as the "California" regiment — was killed. 

Gorman's Brigade, at Edwards Ferry, would glad- 
ly have gone to the assistance of their comrade regi- 
ments at Ball's Bluff, the Tammany, the Fifteenth 
Massachusetts, and the " Calif ornians. " General Gor- 
man was ready and eager to be ordered in, but no 
order came. Yet the First Minnesota was destined 
to exchange shots with the enemy and smell his 
powder before the affair at Ball's Bluff was entirely 
over. 

General Banks had come up in the night and 
assumed command over General Stone, who had con- 
ducted both operations at Edwards Ferry and Ball's 
Bluff. Just across the river he had his division of 
10,000 men, but only General Abercrombie 's Brigade 
crossed to the Virginia side. General Banks put 
General Gorman in command of the position at Ed- 

76 



THE BATTLE OF BALL'S BLUFF 

wards Ferry and in charge of the ferriage over to 
the Virginia side. By 10 o'clock on Tuesday, the 
22d, General Gorman had crossed 4,500 men, HO of 
Van Alen's cavalry, and two 12-pound howitzers of 
Kirby's Battery, formerly Ricketts.' 

Watching Edwards Ferry, Colonel Barksdale dis- 
covered that the big force had been crossed and 
General Evans ordered him to move down with his 
Thirteenth Mississippi and reconnoiter, Barksdale 
promptly moved about 3:30 that afternoon and sent 
forward Randell's and Eckford's companies as skir- 
mishers. These soon ran against the Union picket 
lines and began skirmishing. Colonel Barksdale soon 
moved up the remainder of his regiment and the 
engagement became general. It did not last very 
long. The Union forces were largely in the majority 
and had artillery. The Confederates had only mus- 
kets, and but one regiment. They went forward a 
considerable distance, notwithstanding the heavy fire 
poured upon them, but Colonel Barksdale finally 
withdrew them from the field. 

The First Minnesota bore the brunt of the fight 
at Edwards Ferry. It was on the firing line and the 
Jnen behaved splendidly. The regiment had the only 
private soldiers hit by Confederate bullets in the 
engagement. Lewis F. Mitchell, of Company I, the 
Wabasha company, was killed and another man of 
the same company severelj^ wounded. General Lan- 
der, of the Second Brigade, was wounded while on 
the skirmish line. Total Union loss, 1 killed, 2 
wounded. 

On the evening of the 22d, General McClellan 
came to Edwards Ferry and looked over the situ- 
ation. He did not consider the Union position on 
the Virginia side of the Ferry '' tenable." It was 
occupied now by 6,500 Union troops, with two good 

77 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

pieces of cannon in line and four full batteries across 
the river with a range of at least a mile into Vir- 
ginia, and supporting these batteries were practically 
5,000 more infantry. Lochren's account of the re- 
crossing of Gorman 's command is as follows : 

''As soon as it was dark General Gorman 
launched several canal l^oats into the river 
and manned them with lumbermen (mainly 
from the Stillwater, Minneapolis and St. An- 
thony companies) who with poles handled 
the boats expertly.* General Stone attended 
personally to the withdrawal of the troops 
and the writer (Loehren) was detailed to act 
as his messenger or orderly and carried ver- 
bal messages from him and made reports to 
him personally during the entire night, and 
can vouch for his constant, watchful per- 
sonal supervision of every movement, and 
his solicitude and care that no munitions, 
provisions, or materials of any kind should 
be destroyed or abandoned; and the writer 
can also testify to the great skill exhibited 
in conducting the withdrawal as rapidly as 
the boats could carry the men, but without 
chance of disorder or panic. 

"The First Minnesota, reduced by the de- 
tail handling the boats, was selected and 
placed in position to become the rear guard. 
All the other troops were new and such with- 
drawal in the night (after knowledge of 
Baker's disaster) might easily have been so 
mismanaged as to cause trepidation and dis- 
order. But the movement was effected in 
perfect quiet and order. The troops nearest 
the river were first crossed, then others 
apprised of the retreat only as they received 
orders to move to the boats at once and in 

*In his report General Gorman says that there were 
added to the Minnesota detail 100 men from Colonel 
Kenly's First Maryland, 100 from the Thirty-fourth New 
York, and 150 from the Seventh Michigan. 

78 



THE BATTLE OF BALL'S BLUFF 

silence. There was no crowding and no de- 
lays. "When nearly all had crossed, the 
picket was withdrawn, the writer traversing 
its length in the darkness and timber and 
communicating the order to each reserve. 
As the picket, fell back, the First Minnesota 
alone was left and it was also called in and 
crossed as light began to dawn in the east, 
General Stone being the last man to embark. 
Not a man or a pound of material was left 
behind." 

Corp. M. F. Taylor of Company E (one of the 
Commission preparing this publication) had a per- 
sonal experience which shows that General Stone was 
not the last man to cross. He says : 

"I was on detail and worked on the canal 
boats during the night when the troops 
crossed. As the last canal boat was loaded 
I was ordered to go back among the dif- 
ferent fires that were burning to see if I 
could find anyone who had not been called. 
I found none. On returning to the river 
bank, there were two members of the First 
just recrossing who took me in their boat, 
but hearing a call, I recognized Thos. Galvin 
of Company H, running down the bank of 
Goose Creek, followed by two or three rebel 
cavalrymen, but they abandoned the pursuit 
and Galvin was brought back safely. The 
detail from our regiment that had been left 
removed the rations that had been left and 
remained until the work was completed, and 
I am positive General Stone was not there." 



79 



CHAPTER VIII. 
BACK TO CAMP STONE. 

AFTER recrossing Edwards Ferry to the Mary- 
land side, the troops generally went to their 
former camps. The First Minnesota returned to Camp 
Stone and resumed its picket service and constant or 
daily drilling. It was said that the drill was more 
necessary for exercise than anything else. Every 
man in the regiment now could execute the manual 
of arms, the facings, etc., as well as an expert drill 
master, and the officers were proficient in the "school 
of the company" and the "school of the battalion," 
and there was really no need of further practice in 
this direction. 

The men were idle a part of the time, notwith- 
standing the drills and picket duty and the Enemy 
of Souls found "some mischief still for idle hands 
to do." Lochren records that there was a great deal 
of illicit and illegal liquor selling, or "boot-legging," 
at Camp Stone. General Gorman took stringent 
measures to suppress this evil. Colonel Dana seized 
and destroyed some bottles of "schnapps," stomach 
bitters, and brandied cherries which the sutler of the 
First Minnesota was vending. General Gorman had 
the sutler of the Thirty-fourth New York drummed 
out of camp for liquor selling. 

Lochren relates that, in endeavoring to put down 
boot-legging in his brigade, General Gorman had 
trouble with some of the negro slaves of the region. 
Two slaves of a planter living not far from Camp 
Stone were noted boot-leggers. Patronized liberally 
by certain soldiers, they plied their reprehensible 
traffic most industriously. At last they were "caught 

80 



BACK TO CAI\IP STONE 

in the act" and arrested. General Gorman sent for 
their master and asked his advice as to what ought 
to be done with the culprits. The master said he 
didn't like to meddle with military matters (even 
though his own slaves were concerned) but he 
thought the best thing to do with the "black rascals" 
was to have them soundly whipped by the soldiers 
who had been their last customers. General Gorman 
adopted the suggestion and the soldiers gave the 
negroes a moderate "switching." The soldiers prob- 
ably suffered as much from the mortification at 
having to inflict the punishment as the negroes did 
from having to suffer it. 

The months of November and December, 1861, and 
January and the greater part of February, 1862, were 
spent very pleasantly by the First Minnesota at Camp 
Stone. The men had constructed comfortable quar- 
ters ; they were given plenty to eat and wear ; they 
were paid off; the mail of over 1,800 letters weekly, 
was regular and sanitary conditions were excellent. 
February 6 Medical Director Triplett reported that 
of 960 men on its rolls the First Minnesota had but 
32 sick, and only a few of this number seriously so. 
These conditions were maintained throughout, and to 
the men of the First Minnesota, soldiering went very 
well then. 

January 16, 1862, General Stone having been re- 
moved, General John Sedgwick assumed command of 
the division to which the First Minnesota belonged. 
February 3, Colonel Dana was appointed a brigadier- 
general and assigned to a brigade in Sedg^vick's 
Division. Adjutant Wm. B. Leach was promoted to 
the rank of captain and assigned to duty as assistant 
adjutant-general of General Dana's brigade. Febru- 
ary 1, Dr. Wm. H. Morton, of St. Paul, was commis- 
sioned surgeon of the First Minnesota. 

81 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

As has been noted, many enemies of General Stone 
waged a vindictive and personal warfare against him 
when he was in command on the Potomac. At last 
they succeeded in having him arrested and impris- 
oned, practically under charges of treason to his coun- 
try. One of the charges was that he had permitted 
communication between the Confederates of Mary- 
land and those of Virginia. 

Near Edwards Ferry, on the Maryland side, lived 
-a planter named "White. He had a number of slaves, 
and with their aid kept up his farming operations in 
the midst of the military movements about him. The 
spies upon General Stone reported that the Confed- 
erates were using White's house as a sort of signal 
station for communication with one another back 
and forth across the Potomac. It was alleged that 
every morning before daylight mysterious lights were 
observed flitting to and fro across the windows of 
the upper rooms of the White home. It was believed 
that these flittings and flashings constituted signals 
which were being observed by Confederate scouts in 
hiding on the opposite bank of the river and who 
conveyed their meaning to the Confederate military 
authorities as soon as possible. It was further al- 
leged that General Stone knew about these treason- 
able doings and permitted them — for big Confederate 
pay, of course. 

Sergt. Chris B. Heffelfinger, of Company D, of the 
First Minnesota, was promoted to second lieutenant 
about the 1st of December. A few days after his 
promotion he was officer of the guard at Edwards 
Ferry, including White's house. He was ordered to 
ferret out the real meaning of the alleged rebel signal 
lights in the house. In a corn-crib and in a barn 
within good view of the house, he stationed a squad 
of men one night, with instructions to watch the 

82 



BACK TO CAMP STONE 

house carefully for the lights until daylight. The 
next morning the sentinels reported that they saw 
nothing of a suspicious character, until a little while 
before daybreak, when the mysterious lights ap- 
peared, passing in front of the windows, etc., as 
seemed to be their reported custom. But when they 
investigated more particularly, it was revealed that 
the lights were burning candles in the hands of the 
negroes of the household, who had to rise before day- 
break and prepare their breakfasts and perform other 
household tasks, in order to be engaged in the farm 
work by sunrise. 



83 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY iCAMPAIGN. 

BY THE middle of December, 1861, the Union 
troops had the Potomac River reasonably safe 
for navigation from its mouth to Washington, and 
this was of great advantage. They now sought to 
re-open the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, a great com- 
mercial artery, connecting Washington and Pittsburg, 
making it possible for supplies to be sent to the na- 
tional capital directly from the West and Middle 
West without going the round-about route by way 
of Baltimore. The Confederates had broken this 
great iron thoroughfare in many places, at Harper's 
Ferry and elsewhere, and were determined that it 
should be kept broken. The divisions of Gen. Stone- 
wall Jackson and Gen. W. W. Loring had been sent 
up into what was called the Valley of Virginia, mean- 
ing the district of country through which flowed the 
Shenandoah and the Potomac and especially the terri- 
tory between these two streams, which unite at 
Harper's Ferry. 

After the battle of Bull Run the suddenly famous 
Stonewall Jackson was made a major-general. He 
remained with his brigade in the vicinity of Center- 
ville until October 4, when he was detached from it 
and sent to command the Confederate forces in the 
Valley of Virginia, and with them to keep out the 
Union troops and make war on the Baltimore & Ohio. 
He made his headquarters at Winchester. In the 
early part of December he was joined by his old 
brigade and by General Loring and his division. 

About the 20th of February General McClellan 
deemed it necessary to take additional measures to 

84 



THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY CAMPAIGN 

secure the re-opening of the Baltimore & Ohio, which 
was not yet in complete operation, Stonewall Jack- 
son having burned some important bridges in the 
Harper's Ferry region. The general thought it might 
be necessary to fight a battle to secure the re- 
construction of the road. (McClellan's Report, Vol. 
5, War Recs., p. 48.) 

General Jackson and General Loring, with their 
divisions, were now at "Winchester and they had 
made all the trouble. They must be driven out of 
the Valley of Virginia or destroyed. Then Win- 
chester and Strasburg must be held by the Union 
forces to protect the Baltimore & Ohio on the South. 
General Banks' and General Sedgwick's Divisions 
were ordered to Harper's Ferry and from thence to 
go up the Valley and drive away the Confederates. 

tt The First Minnesota belonged to Sedgwick's Division. IJ 
On the morning of February 25, 1862, the regi- 
ment left Camp Stone for what was called the 
Shenandoah Valley Campaign. With the whole di- 
vision it marched up the Potomac and went into a 
cold, snowy, frozen camp or bivouac near the 
Monocacy River. What a change from the comfortable 
quarters at Camp Stone the previous evening! The 
next day the regiment crossed the Monocacy at Win- 
field Mills and marched to Adamstown, a station on 
the Baltimore & Ohio. Here the division entrained 

* and was taken by rail to Sandy Hook, a suburb of 

\ Harper's Ferry. The First Minnesota crossed the 
Potomac on a pontoon bridge. Its quarters that 
night were in some of the partially-destroyed Govern- 
ment buildings formerly connected with the Harper's 

I Ferry Arsenal.* These were examined with interest, 

*Lochren says the men were quartered in the build- 
ings in which John Brown and his partisans "had at- 
tempted defense" at the time of their famous raid. But 

85 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

especially those said to have been connected with 
John Brown's raid, in October 1859.** 

At the beginning of 1861, Harper's Ferry had a 
population of about 5,000. A great many of the 
people were connected with the historic United 
States' arsenal there. In June, 1861, this important 
factory was nearly destroyed by General Joe John- 
ston and his Confederates. They sent most of the 
arsenal property further south, set fire to the build- 
ings and the great railroad bridge over the Potomac, 
and then set out for "Winchester. "When the First 
Minnesota came, solid piers of blackened masonry 
I showed where the magnificent bridge had stood. The 
calcined and crumbling walls of the armory and 
arsenal buildings and the fire-stained ruins of other 
structures destroyed in the great Confederate con- 
flagration gave an air of utter desolation to the 
deserted town. 

Harper's Ferry was a strikingly picturesque place. 
Its site was a sort of triangle of which the Potomac 
and Shenandoah (which here united their waters) 
formed two sides, and an elevated plateau in the rear 
made the third. Its weakness as a military post was 
that it was exposed to enfilade and reverse fire from 
the lofty ridge across the Potomac called Maryland 
\ Heights, and could easily be turned by an army 
crossing the river above or below. 

only Brown and six or seven of his raiders "attempted 
defense," from the inside of a small brick house used 
to shelter a fire engine, which perhaps would not have 
furnished quarters for a single company of Minnesotians. 
.The greater part of John Brown's "nineteen men so true" 
/did their fighting behind walls outside of any building. 
Five were not in the town. 

**One devoted adherent of "Old John Brown" loaded 
bis knapsack with bricks, as souvenirs for his home 
friends of the "very building where that martyr fought 
his last battle." But, alas! These sacred relics soon had 
to give way to grub and clothing! 

86 



THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY CAMPAIGN 

When General Sedgwick's Division reached Har- 
per's Ferry, it had 9,400 men, 18 field guns, and 3 
batteries. Two brigades of Sedgwick's and the whole 
of Banks' Division were thrown to the south or Vir- 
ginia side of the Potomac, one brigade of Sedgwick's 
was left on the Maryland side to guard the Potomac 
and the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad from Great Falls 
to the mouth of the Monocacy. A day or two after 
its arrival at the arsenal the regiment was moved to 
higher ground and more comfortable buildings. 

About the 1st of March General McClellan divided 

his forces into army corps. General Banks was made 

commander of the Fifth Army Corps and given 

charge of affairs in the Shenandoah Valley Sedg- 

1 wick's Division was in Banks' command. 

Very soon, with a force of perhaps 18,000 men of 
all arms, General Banks moved up the Shenandoah 
Valley towards Winchester, where Stonewall Jackson 
was stationed with about 4,000 men, including 300 
cavalry and Chew's horse artillery, under Turner 
Ashby, and the Rockbridge and Waters' batteries. 
, Winchester is the county seat of Frederick County, 
' is thirty miles southwest of Harper's Ferry, and a 
few miles west of Opequan Creek. As has been said, 
the place was the key to the Valley of Virginia. 
During the w^ar the town was fought for again and 
again. It was the initial point of one of the military 
routes to Richmond, 135 miles away. A railroad 
connected it with Harper's Ferry, and 75 miles south 
another railroad, in almost constant operation, ran to 
Richmond, with Gordonsville, in Orange County, -the 
nearest and most important station to Winchester. 

Friday, March 7, the First Minnesota, as part of 

\Banks' army, marched from Harper's Ferry nine 

miles to Charlestown, the county seat of Jefferson 

County, where John Brown was tried and hung. 

87 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Harper's Ferry is in Jefferson County, now in West 
Virginia. At Charlestown the regiment remained two 
days. On Sunday, the 9th, many of the men attended 
religious services, which were held in the Presby- 
terian Church and conducted by Chaplain Neill. 

Monday, March 10, the regiment had the advance 
of the Division in the march to Berryville, the county 
seat of Clarke County, and 12 miles southwest of 
Charlestown. The march was over a fine macadam- 
ized road known as the valley "stone pike," but it 
rained that day and conditions were not altogether 
pleasant. If the turnpike had been a dirt road, the 
mud would have been knee deep. As it was, the 
walking was good, though the stones were a little 
rough on the men's army shoes. 

On nearing Berryville the Stillwater and Winona 
companies, B and K, were advanced as skirmishers. 
A section of artillery was also sent forward and 
fired a few shot, and then the Minnesotians, pre- 
ceded by a detachment of cavalry, dashed into the 
town. A company of Ashby's cavalry, in the place 
as a corps of observation, galloped away to carry 
the news to Jackson at Winchester that the Yankees 
were at Berryville, twelve miles southwest. 

Entering Berryville, the first thing the Union 
troops did was to pull down from a liberty pole a 
small white flag marked "C. S." and then hoist the 
Stars and Stripes over the Clarke County Court 
House, thus bringing the county back into the 
United States, as it were ! The flag hoisted was the 
Old Glory of the First Minnesota, given by the 
ladies of the State. The entire Regiment was very 
proud of the distinction given its colors.* 

*Lieut. Myron Shepard says: "Although my place was 
as Left General Guide of the regiment, I left it, and 
joined the Co. B skirmishers, and with my guide flag, 

88 



THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY CAMPAIGN 

The Regiment had representatives of every voca- 
tion in life, from statesmen and professional military 
men down to common laborers, trappers, and a man 
milliner. Of course there were printers, and good 
ones, too. Some of these ascertained that there was 
a printing office in Berryville^ from which was issued 
a weekly newspaper called the Berryville Conservator. 
The editor and proprietor, H. K. Gregg, had run 
away. The Minnesota printers visited the office, 
found that one side of the paper for the week had 
been printed, went to work to get up the other side, 
and issued the paper the following morning. It was 
a four-page sheet of five columns to the page. 

Two of the pages, the ''seeesh" side, constituted 
the Berryville Conservator; the other two, the Union 
side, made up "The First Minnesota." A large edi- 
tion was issued- and quickly sold. The printers pub- 
lishing the Union side were Ed A. Stevens, Thos. H. 
Pressnell, 0. Nelson, Chas. S. Drake, Frank J. Mead, 
Julian J. Kendall, and Henry W. Lindergreen, who 
styled themselves the "Typographic Fraternity of the 
First Minnesota Regiment." As shown by the copy 
preserved by Mrs. Sam Bloomer in her scrapbook, 
now in the Stillwater Public Library, the Union side 
of the paper was filled with humorous melange of 
patriotism, satire, jibes, jokes, and censure. 

The "secesh" side was and still is interesting. 
Berryville was a small town and there were but few 
local advertisements. The bulk of the advertising 

claimed to be the first man to enter Berryville, and my 
flag to be the first Union flag. But my glory was short- 
lived, for General Gorman rode up and took my flag 
from me, flourished it, and placed it as stated here. I 
thought it robbery after my great eifort to be dis- 
tinguished, and the comments in my diary would have 
raised a blister at brigade headquarters if known. I also 
wrote two or three short articles for the 'Berryville Con- 
servator,' having had some experience as an editor." 

89 



THE FIKST MINNESOTA 

came from Winchester, ten miles away. The people 
in both towns had come to be violent, vindictive, and 
even venomous Confederates. E. B. Rouss, of Win- 
chester, appended to his advertisement the following 
offer, then peculiar to the degenerate and un- 
scrupulous element of the Confederates : 

"We take this occasion to renew the offer 
of $20,000 for the head of Lincoln, or $1,000 
for either of his pet kangaroos and satellites, 
Scott, Seward, Greeley, Butler & Company. 
Also to say that we are selling goods very 
cheap, and expect a little lot this week from 
the Abolition devils." 

The greater part of this advertisement was made 
up of the vilest abuse of President Lincoln. "He has 
done more harm than any other man since the Crea- 
tion. He has, with a fiendish malignity unsurpassed 
by savage or barbarian, brought a calamity upon a 
happy country and a mighty people, amounting to 
universal destruction. Talk of Arnold or Judas; 
why, they were white men compared to this 
scoundrel. ' ' 

There were advertisements of runaway slaves. 
"A girl who calls herself Mary Randolph" and who 
was "a bright mulatto, about 18 years old, tall and 
slender, hair quite straight, teeth a little decayed in 
front, no mark save a mole near the right eye," had 
run away, taking with her a boy of 15 years, "her 
brother, Frederick Randolph, also a bright mulatto, 
with a low forehead, hair growing closely around it; 
is not very intelligent and stammers slightly." A 
reward of $50 each was offered for their return, if 
taken in Clarke County, "or what the law allows" 
if taken outside. 

Another slave, James Johnson, 20 years old, 5 
feet 4 inches high, "of copper color," had also run 

90 




BRIG. OKN. ALFRED SULLY. 
The Tliiiil Colonel of the Regiment. 



THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY CAMPAIGN 

away and the same reward as for the Eandolphs 
was offered for his return. John G. Morris, of Win- 
chester, wanted to purchase "any number of 
negroes," for which he "will pay the highest market 
price in cash that the market will justify." These 
ads were strange and suggestive literature to the 
Minnesota boys. 

March 13, the regiment set out, with the Division, 
for Winchester, 10 miles west of Berryville. Stone- 
wall Jackson was reported to be still at Winchester 
ready for a fight, and the First Regiment wanted to 
balance the account it had against him for Bull Run. 
But, when within two miles of Winchester, it was 
learned that Jackson had retreated on the night of 
the 11th and was now miles away to the southward, 
in Page County, and in almost inaccessible positions 
in the spurs and ranges of the Blue Ridge Moun- 
tains. The forenoon of the 11th he had fought with 
Banks' advance, on the Martinsburg road, six miles 
out from Winchester, and been compelled to fall 
back. 

The Regiment turned back when within two 
miles of Winchester and returned to Berryville. This 
was pursuant to an order issued that day by General 
Banks, directing General Sedgwick to return at once 
with his division to Harper's Ferry. On the 14th the 
regiment returned to Charlestown and on the 15th 
encamped on Bolivar Heights, in the rear of and 
commanding Harper's Ferry. 

On the 13th, when leaving camp at Berryville for 
Winchester, the new colonel of the regiment, ap- 
pointed to succeed Colonel Dana, took command. 
This was Col. Alfred Sully, who had been appointed 
February 22, while engaged in the defense of Wash- 
ington, and had been unable to join his new com- 
mand earlier. There was some disappointment that 

91 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Lieutenant-Colonel Miller had not been promoted to 
the colonelcy, but no ill-feeling. It seemed best that 
an officer of long experience should command the 
regiment, a West Pointer preferred, one that could 
fill Dana's shoes. 

— Colonel Sully was a son of Thomas Sully, the 
noted English-American painter, and was born in 
Philadelphia. He graduated from West Point in 
1841, served as a lieutenant in the Second U. S. In- 
fantry against the Seminole Indians, in the Mexican 
War, and as captain in the Second U. S. Infantry 
was stationed at Fort Ridgely, Minn., in 1854-56 and 
again in 1857-59. In 1861, still with the rank of 
captain in the regular army, he served in North 
Missouri, at Fort Leavenworth, and in the defenses 
of Washington. While stationed in Minnesota, he 
had become acquainted with many prominent men 
and was a frank and open aspirant for the colonelcy 
of the First Minnesota after Colonel Dana was pro- 
moted. He had accompanied Sedgwick's Division 
from Harper's Perry, expecting his commission every 
day. 

Lochren says of Colonel Sully: "He manifested 
from the first perfect reliance on the honor and good 
conduct of the Regiment and never placed a regi- 
mental guard about camp or bivouac. The men 
appreciated his confidence and no instance occurred 
of any abuse of the privileges accorded, nor did any 
of them leave camp without permission." 

The regiment remained in camp on Bolivar 
Heights for a week. And this was a week of typical 
stormy, wet, equinoctial weather. A beating rain or a 
driving snow fell every day. On the 22d the regi- 
ment crossed the Potomac to Sandy Hook and took 
the B. & 0. cars for Washington. It reached the 
\ capital at midnight and was given hot coffee and 

92 



THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY CAMPAIGN 

shelter from a most disagreeable storm at a place of 
refuge called the Soldiers' Retreat, which had been 
established for such and other emergencies. 

Going to the old camp ground near the capital, 
the regiment — to give Col. Sully's friends an oppor- 
tunity to see his new command — was arrayed in dress 
parade and there remained three days, or until the 
night of the 26th. Then, crossing the famous long 
bridge into Virginia, it was conveyed by railroad to 
Alexandria, which was reached after midnight. A 
cold drenching rain was again falling, but because 
"someone had blundered" the men had to stand in 
the street under the ^pitiless pouring until daylight. 
Then they were marched out to the old grounds near 
"Camp Ellsworth," occupied before the march to 
Bull Run. Lochren says: "The men, wet and 
shivering, quickly resurrected a barrel of sutler's 
whisky, which they had purchased and buried the 
year before and its contents, fairly distributed, were 
probably beneficial in counteracting the effects of the 
exposure. ' ' 



93 



CHAPTER X. 

PREPARING FOR THE PENINSULA. 

THE First Minnesota was ordered from the Valley 
of Virginia to Washington for a purpose. For 
many weary and trying months after August, 1861, 
General McClellan had been preparing the Union 
Army for offensive operations against the Confeder- 
ates. He had now a stronger military force than 
ever before assembled in the country and it was com- 
pletely equipped. At this period of the war the 
capture of Richmond, the Confederate capital, was 
considered the most important objective, principally 
for the effect it would have abroad in preventing 
recognition of the Southern Confederacy, as well as 
the disaster such a blow would inflict on the hopes 
and confidence of the South. 

Two plans for accomplishing the result were open 
for choice. The army might move overland directly 
toward Richmond, driving the Confederate army be- 
fore it ; or it might take transport to Chesapeake Bay 
and move up to Richmond along the peninsula be- 
tween the Rappahannock and York rivers. There was 
much to recommend the latter course. The flanks of 
the army would be protected by navigable streams 
and these would enable transports to support the 
movements of the land force by transporting troops 
and supplies and, to a greater or less extent, enable 
the navy to support the entire operation. The latter 
plan was adopted by General McClellan. 

The Rappahannock was to be ascended to Urbana, 
and then an army was to march from that town 
across to "West Point at the head of York river, 
which is formed by the union of the Mattapony and 

94 



PREPARING FOR THE PENINSULA 

Pamunkey rivers. That army was to unite with an- 
other, which should come up the big York River to 
West Point, after demolishing the Confederate forti- 
fications at Yorktown, near the mouth of the river, 
where Washington had forced Cornwallis to surren- 
der eighty years before. The armies united, they 
would set out for Richmond, following the Richmond 
& York Railroad. West Point is twelve miles west 
of Urbana and the latter place is about the same 
distance from the proper mouth of the Rappahan- 
nock. Both rivers empty into Chesapeake Bay. 

Lincoln's plan was to move the army directly 
against the enemy in front of Washington, and strike 
his line first at a point on the Orange & Manassas 
Railroad, southwest of Manassas Junction, not far 
from the Bull Run battlefield. 

McClellan's plan was conceived by him as early 
at least as January 1, 1862. On the 10th of that 
month General Shields wrote him regarding it. Shields 
approved it, suggesting some modifications and 
changes. (War Rees. Vol. 5, p. 700). Among other 
things Shields wrote the following, which read like 
axioms: "Richmond, in the East, and Memphis, at 
the West, are the two dominating objective points of 
the Southern Confederacy in this war. The posses- 
sion of these points will break the power of that 
Confederacy." If only Richmond had been captured 
as soon as Memphis was (and might it not have 
been?), how glorious the result! 

Eight of McClellan's twelve generals approved his 
plan. The other four and the President, stoutly con- 
tended against it. Meanwhile the Confederates knew 
practically all that was going on and governed them- 
selves accordingly. 

The controversy over the plans was protracted 
from the 3d of February until March 9. On the lat- 

95 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

ter date the Union authorities learned that General 
Johnston had evacuated Manassas and gone south- 
ward with all his army and material, except some of 
the latter which he had to destroy, and leaving be- 
hind, as previously stated, some big logs with round 
black spots painted on the ends, to resemble holes to 
an observer at a distance, and these logs were laid 
across breastworks with the black spots or "muzzles" 
facing Washington. This ruse was well known in the 
Union army. 

Of course, the Confederate abandonment of Man- 
assas necessitated a change in McClellan's program. 
His favorite point for his new base of operations, as 
has been said, had been Urbana on the lower Rappa- 
hannock. Now the Confederates were south of the 
Rappahannock — even south of the Rapidan, near Cul- 
peper and Gordonville — and Urbana and the Rappa- 
hannock River route had to be eliminated from the 
plan, and only the York River route considered. 

General Johnston divined the plans and almost 
the details of General McClellan's scheme for captur- 
ing Richmond by way of the Peninsula. It was natu- 
ral that his spy work and secret service should be 
much superior to those of General McClellan, inas- 
much as the city of Washington and surrounding 
country abounded with Southern sympathizers who 
were constantly alert to any political or military 
movement. Johnston was as well prepared as he 
could be to thwart the plans of McClellan before that 
general began to execute them. He withdrew his 
army from Manassas to Gordonville and the Orange 
County country, because here were supplies and a 
good railroad running sixty miles to Richmond and 
here he could better organize and prepare his army 
to meet McClellan's and any other Union force sent 
out to divert his attention. 

96 



PEEPARING FOR THE PENINSULA 

After Johnston's withdrawal from in front of 
Washington, General McClellan made new plans for 
his advance against Richmond. The Rappahannock 
River route was entirely discarded, and the route by 
the York River and Virginia Peninsula definitely 
substituted. Fortress Monroe was to be the base 
of operations instead of Urbana. The Union forces 
were to be transported by water, and 127 transports 
were collected to convey them. 

On the 8th of March President Lincoln divided 
the organization of the Army of the Potomac into 
four army corps. The First Corps was to be com- 
manded by General McDowell; the Second by General 
Sumner; the Third by General Heintzelman, and the 
Fourth by Gen. Erasmus D. Keyes. 

Of General Sumner, the commander of the corps 
to which the First Minnesota was assigned, Swin- 
ton says: "He was the ideal of a soldier, but had few 
of the qualities that make a general." At the time 
he was made commander of the Second Corps he was 
past 65 years of age, but vigorous in mind and body 
and capable of good work, as he demonstrated. He 
was not a West Pointer, but had served in the regu- 
lar army for forty-three years, or since 1819. 

On the 11th of March General McClellan was re- 
moved from the general command of all the armies 
of the United States and his authority confined to 
the Army of the Potomac. 

After McClellan had obtained the assent of the 
administration to his plans, he was eager for their 
fulfillment. The order to furnish water transportation 
for his army to the Peninsula was issued February 
27 and on the 17th of March it was ready — four hun- 
dred steamers and sailing craft. 

On the evening of March 29 the First ]\Iinnesota 
embarked at Washington for the Peninsula. The 

97 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

regiment went on board two small steamers, the 
Golden Gate and the Jenny Lind, with transports in 
tow and early next morning the boats moved. The 
Regiment was still in Gorman's Brigade, with the 
15th Massachusetts, the 34th and 82d (2d State Mili- 
tia) New York and Kirby's Battery I, First U. S. 
Sedgwick's Division was composed of Gorman's 
Burns' and Dana's Brigades, with four batteries. 
Sumner's Corps was composed of I. B. Richardson's 
and John Sedgwick's Divisions. 

Down the Potomac, past river forts, Mount Ver- 
non, abandoned Confederate fortifications, and a great 
many scenes strange but of interest to the Minne- 
sota boys, went the vessels. That evening they cast 
anchor off Smith's Point, where the waters of the 
Potomac are lost with those of Chesapeake Bay. Many 
of the Minnesota men now saw the "salt water" for 
the first time. 

The next day and night the vessels voyaged 
southward sixty miles down Chesapeake Bay, then 
thronged with army transports of all kinds. On the 
morning of April 1 the regiment halted for some 
hours at Fortress Monroe, the base of operations. 
Here among the other objects of interest they saw the 
Monitor, which three weeks before in its fight with 
the Merrimac, had distinguished itself and revolution- 
ized the construction of war A^essels and naval war- 
fare. Upon it now rested General McClellan's hopes 
for the safe landing of his army on the peninsula. If 
there was nothing to prevent her, the big, solid iron- 
clad Merrimac was at liberty to come down and play 
havoc with his transports, as it had with the Cumber- 
land and Congress. Of the Monitor, Lochren writes : 
"It lay quietly among a crowd of vessels, so small 
and unlike anything ever before imagined as a water 
craft and yet so powerful and impregnable, we could 

9S 



PREPARING FOR THE PENINSULA 

not study it enough." 

Moving out from Fort Monroe, the Regiment fi- 
nally disembarked at the ruins of the town of Hamp' 
ton, which had been destroyed the previous spring. 
Here now is the site of a national soldiers' home. The 
men were glad to be on shore again, for some of 
them had been seasick and the quarters on the ship 
had been cramped and uncomfortable. But conditions 
on shore were not much improved, for that night the 
Regiment went into camp in a low field without wood 
and good water. The water was brackish from the 
salt and iodine of the sea. Lochren remembers that 
at this camp the Minnesota boys had a new exper- 
ience in hunting for grub oysters. These oysters 
bury themselves in the mud and are not found in 
sea beds. They are obtained generally by digging or 
"grubbing," as the natives call it, hence the local 
name. The Minnesota boys, who had been "put 
wise" by some old sailors, hunted this luscious sea 
food in their bare legs, wading through the cold mud 
and finding the oysters with their toes. They were 
very fine oysters, too, and much relished. 

Lobsters were a novel addition to the menu, being 
caught by dangling a piece of salt pork on a cord. 
Dropped a few minutes in a kettle of boiling water, 
they proved most delicious morsels. 



99 



CHAPTER XI. 

THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. 

THE region of Virginia known as the Peninsula 
(on which McClellan's army landed) is in the 
southeastern part of the State. It is from seven to 
fifteen miles wide and fifty miles in length. The 
country is low, flat, and generally wooded, but with 
many marshes. Looking toward the sea, the Penin- 
sula has the big York river on the northeast or left 
side and the James River on the right or southwest 
side. As has been stated, the York river is formed 
by union of the Mattapony and the Pamunkey at the 
town of West Point, and the James River has its 
source in the mountains of Virginia, near Lynchburg. 

Portress Monroe, at the lower extremity of the 
Peninsula, is about 75 miles southeast of Richmond. 
General McClellan designed to approach Richmond up 
the Peninsula, keeping open the James River on his 
left flank for the transportation of supplies. The 
York River could also be used for that purpose, and 
the railroad from West Point westward utilized when 
a certain obstacle was removed. 

That obstacle was a rather strongly-fortified 
position at Yorktown, on the York River, nearly ten 
miles from its mouth. The Confederates had begun 
to fortify this position the previous fall and had made 
it strong against infantry and cavalry. The artillery 
with which its defenses were supplied was generally 
old and obsolete, big smooth-bore guns taken from, 
the Norfolk navy yard and intended for service on 
shipboard. The position was not defensible against 
the Union artillery, with its large calibered and 
skillfully rifled long range guns. 

100 



THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN 

The chief constructor of the Yorktown defenses 
and their commander afterward, was Gen. John Bank- 
head Magruder, a West Pointer and a soldier with 
a dashing record, and then 52 years of age. He had 
many military qualities, was a fine civil engineer, a 
good tactician, a safe commander for a division of 
infantry or cavalry, a dashing and very brave fighter 
and an expert at planning and executing ruses to de- 
ceive his enemy. In front of Richmond, by dragging 
brush up and down a dusty road and raising great 
clouds of pulverized Virginia dirt, he made the 
Union generals believe a large rebel force was 
present. 

General Magruder's fortifications that girdled 
Yorktown about were practically on the site of those 
built and occupied by Lord Cornwallis' army during 
the War of the Revolution, eighty-one years before. 
On the northeast side of the town was the big wide 
York River, virtually an arm of Chesapeake Bay, 
Across the river from Yorktown was Gloucester Point, 
also fortified. On the west was the Warwick River, 
a small stream, heading a mile from Yorktown and 
running nearly across the Peninsula, fourteen miles 
from the York to the James and emptying into the 
latter river. 

The line of the Warwick was well defended. Its 
source was commanded by the guns of the Yorktown 
forts and its fords had been replaced by dams which 
were defended by artillery and which raised the water 
in the stream till it could not easily be waded or 
forded anywhere. Moreover, the approaches to the 
stream on either side were through dense forests and 
swamps. McClellan's scouts had given him a very 
imperfect idea of the country of the Peninsula 
through which he would pass and very scanty knowl- 
edge of the enemy opposing him. 

101 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

McClellan had now admittedly 85,000 men, but 
the Confederates thought he had 110,000 and they 
wanted to be prepared to meet a force of that size 
behind their breastworks or in the field in front of 
their capital. They would be compelled to bring up 
troops from as far away as Charleston, S. C, and the 
mountains of Kentucky and West Virginia, and the 
Federal approach must be delayed, and Magruder 
was instructed to cause that delay as long as was 
safe and practicable. 

Magruder appreciated the importance of the delay. 
He was a great bluffer, and showed fight from the 
first as if he had plenty of men. This boldness de- 
ceived McClellan and made him stop to besiege, in- 
stead of merely halting to assault, the Confederate 
position at Yorktown. 

April 5 at 1 o'clock in the morning the Regiment 
broke camp and marched that day about ten miles 
to the northeast, to Big Bethel. The march was try- 
ing on the men. The country was generally flat with- 
out hills, and the weather had changed to sweltering 
heat. Before they had walked many miles, many of 
them had thrown away their overcoats, dress coats 
and even their blankets to lighten the loads they 
were compelled to carry. Previously when marching 
through the Valley of Virginia or about Camp Stone, 
the weather had been cool and the loads carried were 
not uncomfortable. 

The roads were very poor and muddy from recent 
rains. Now they were crowded with the material 
of the great army which was slowly creeping through 
the mud over the flat wooded country. The grass was 
quite green, the buds of the trees were unfolding 
into leaves as large as swallow's wings, and in the 
branches the birds were nesting and singing. 

At first the march was orderly, the men in four 

102 



THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN 

ranks with files well aligned, and the route step ob- 
served. But under the hot sun and the unaccustomed 
burden of the heavy equipments, the men disregarded 
the knowledge they had obtained by so much drill- 
ing and "disciplining" and straggled along the roads 
almost at will. 

Lochren relates that on this route General Mc- 
Clellan and his formidable staff and escort rode by 
the First ]\[innesota in a hurry to get to the front. 
The general and Colonel Sully had served together in 
the regular army before the war. Now, as the com- 
manders passed, came first the formal military salute 
and then the informal cheery greetings: "How are 
you, Alf?" and "How are you, George?" At that 
time General McClellan appeared strong, athletic, a 
splendid horseman, a beau sabreur, and in perfect 
health. He was a month or two past 35 years of age, 
just as old as Napoleon when, after well-nigh con- 
quering the world, he was crowned emperor of the 
French. His uniform was neat and well-fitting, but 
plainer than that worn by any member of his staff. 
He was already popular with his soldiers, who called 
him "Little Mac", and thought him a gallant spirit 
and a great general. And this opinion the Army of 
the Potomac, as an army, always held. As he swept 
by the straggling ranks of the First Minnesota on 
this occasion, the men got into some semblance of 
order and gave their general three loud and hearty 
cheers. 

The regiment resumed its march toward York- 
town at 5 o'clock on the morning of April 6. It was 
raining and the mud worse than ever. Two miles 
out from Big Bethel the sound of cannonading was 
heard in front. The Union advance had come up 
with Stuart's cavalry and there was skirmishing. 
Desultory fighting was kept up at intervals during 

103 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

the day whenever Stoneman's cavalry came in contact 
with Stuart's. Sometimes the infantry on both sides 
become slightly engaged. Often the regiment halted 
for several minutes. Then it hurried forward, as if 
it were about to rush the Confederates with a bayo- 
net charge. Eeally at times it seemed that the Min- 
nesotians would soon become actively engaged. But 
the Confederates retired steadily, yet slowly, and at 
nightfall had gone into shelter behind the strong 
walls of Yorktown or the good breastworks strung 
along Warwick Creek. And all the time it rained. 

The First Minnesota, as part of Gorman's Brigade, 
Sedgwick's Second Division of Sumner's Second Army 
Corps, marched to Yorktown with Heintzelman's 
Third Corps and went into camp with that corps. 
The other Division, General Richardson's, had not yet 
arrived on the Peninsula and General Sumner had 
been appointed by General MeClellan his second in 
command and was seeing to things generally in front 
of Yorktown. After the 6th of April he commanded 
the Union left wing, composed of his own and Keyes' 
Corps. 

Gorman's Brigade was encamped about two miles 
south of Yorktown in what was known as Headquar- 
ters Camp No. 1 for some days. The First Minnesota 
was set at work cutting out and building corduroy 
roads over which supplies could be hauled from 
Hampton or Fortress Monroe. The camp was in a 
low muddy flat, and it rained all the time. The men 
jcalled it "Camp Misery."* April 11, Sedgwick's en- 

*Lieutenant Shepard says: "My diary is quite full of 
accounts while we were before Yorktown. Being a civil 
engineer, I was ordered by Downie, and then by Sully, 
and later by General Sedgwick, to visit and sketcli roads, 
positions of headquarters, batteries, etc., along our front, 
and between our lines and those of the enemy. This 
exposed me to much picket firing from the enemy — once, 
a rebel battery near Yorktown opened on me — ^and I was 

104 



THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN 

tire Division was moved a mile away to Camp Win- 
field Scott. The division's camp was on the left of 
Gen. C. S. Hamilton's of Heintzelman's Corps, and 
extended down to the Warwick Creek bottom, in 
front of Wynn's Mill, three miles south of York- 
town. 

Lochren notes that on the morning of this removal 
a Union balloon was sent up from York River to take 
a bird's-eye view of the Confederate situation. It 
went up in plain sight of all the camps and was an 
object of interest. It had lines attached to it and 
was to be drawn back to earth when a good view of 
the enemy's position had been obtained. On this oc- 
casion the lines broke and the balloon went where it 
pleased, for it was not of the dirigible kind. It 
drifted over the Confederate lines and there was some 
anxiety lest it should go to earth there, but it finally 
floated back and descended at the camp of the 
"First." Among the occupants of the balloon was 
Gen. Fitz John Porter, then commanding a division 
in Heintzelman's Corps. The balloon was part of the 
equipment of the army serving against Yorktown 
and was often used to observe the enemy. 

Camp Winfield Scott was a great improvement 
over Camp Misery. It was on higher and dryer 
ground and in a good piece of woodland which fur- 
nished abundant shade and fuel. Shelter tents, big 
enough for only two on a campaign were issued to 

arrested as a spy several times and so, much delayed in 
my work. Finally, I was taken by a strong guard to 
Brig. Gen. W. S. Hancock of "Baldy" Smith's Division, 
who read my pass from Colonel Sully and ^promptly 
released me, giving me another pass, and saying I would 
have no further trouble. I thought Hancock the finest 
and best looking officer I had ever seen, and felt that he 
would make his m.ark in the war. Colonel Sully thanked 
me and showed me how well one portion of my work 
agreed with a sketch he had made. I was told that 
General Sedgwick made use of my work." 

105 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

the men and found to be just suited to their purpose. 
Here the Regiment spent the remainder of the month 
of April, from the 11th to and through the 30th. 

It was a twenty days' season of hard work. Ev- 
ery second day the men were on picket duty along 
the "Warwick, with the Confederate pickets just across 
the stream, hidden in the woods 300 yards away. 
AVhen they were not on picket they were building 
fortifications or corduroy roads or being routed out 
of their beds by musketry firing on the picket lines 
and made to double-quick out to some point sup- 
posed to be threatened by an assault from the enemy. 
And all the while it rained. The men went 
about commonly wet to the skin, for even when not 
on duty, they had no water-proof shelter. The little 
"dog tents" leaked like sieves, there was a scarcity 
of rubber blankets and ponchos, and the only relief 
was when the rainclouds drifted away and the sun 
shone out — and then it was insufferably hot. 

All through the siege of Yorktown, night and day, 
there was cannon firing both by the besiegers and the 
besieged. It was quite ineffective; nobody was hurt. 
The Confederates did not dare use the big old cast- 
iron guns within the fortifications lest they burst. 
They had a few rifled pieces and these were so over- 
worked that some of them burst. (Magruder's report) 
General McClellan brought down and mounted some 
very heavy modern guns, including 100-pound and 
even 200-pound riflled pieces. 

Saturday evening. May 3, the Confederate bat- 
teries in Yorktown kept up a fire of shot and shell 
on the Union lines until after midnight. Nobody hurt. 
It was all a bluff. At daybreak the next morning, 
General Heintzelman, at his headquarters, heard what 
he thought was skirmishing in Yorktown and saw a 
bright light there. Professor Lowe, the noted aero- 

106 



THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN 

naut, immediately went up in his balloon and re- 
ported that the light was a burning vessel at York- 
town wharf, and it was subsequently learned that the 
noise like a skirmish was caused by the explosion of 
several thousand musket cartridges and shells of 
small caliber which the Confederates were destroying 
in one of their magazines. 

Then General Heintzelman got a telegram from 
Fitz John Porter that the enemy was abandoning 
Yorktown. Heintzelman immediately went up in the 
balloon with Professor Lowe and saw enough to con- 
vince him that the telegram was true. Descending 
he ordered Generals Hooker and Kearney to prepare 
their divisions, and Colonel Averell to prepare his 
Third Pennsylvania Cavalry, to march immediately. 
(Heintzelman 's Eeport, War. Recs., Vol. 11, p. 456). 

On that Sunday morning (May 4) the Regiment, 
as usual when its turn came, went on picket before 
daylight. But after daylight word came that the 
Confederates had ''skedaddled", and then the men 
went back to camp for their tents and knapsacks 
preparatory to marching. But they did not march 
far, only to the Confederate entrenchments at Wynn's 
Mill and along the Warwick thereabouts. Lochren 
says that Dana's Third Brigade of Sedgwick's Di- 
vision was first in the enemy's abandoned works and 
Gorman's was next. Seemingly the Confederates had 
leisurely made up their minds about evacuating, but 
when they did decide they stood not on the order of 
their going, but went at once. 

About the 1st of ]\Iay General Magruder's spies 
and field glasses told him that the Union troops were 
ready to begin the long-threatened bombardment and 
at once he began to retreat. (Magruder's Report; al- 
so Jonhston's Narrative, p. 111). The line of retreat 

107 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

was already fixed, there was nothing to do but fol- 
low it. 

At Wynn's Mill, where the First Minnesota was, 
the Confederates left in a hurry. Their breakfasts, 
such as they were (and they were not very luxurious) 
were still in the frying pans, skillets, pots and bake 
kettles. They abandoned quite a stock of provisions 
and camp equipage. In a plantation store house near 
by was a good supply of delicious smoked hams and 
bacon. The men secured a large supply of frying 
pans and bake kettles. The brigade remained in the 
enemy's abandoned works at "Wynn's Mill until on 
the morning of the 6th, when it marched three miles 
to the northeast — in deep mud and pouring rain. 

The fortifications at Yorktown were of much in- 
terest to the Minnesota boys. They were scientifically 
constructed of dirt walls and sand bags, with timber 
re-inforcements, etc., and their armament was a mis- 
cellaneous collection of old United States naval guns 
which had been taken from the Gosport Navy Yard 
the previous spring. More than seventy pieces of 
these archaic, inefficient pieces of ordnance were left 
in the works. It was believed that a majority of 
them would burst, though they could throw a ball or 
shell weighing 64 to 100 pounds. McClellan's and 
Commodore Goldsborough's 125-pounder steel rifled 
Parrotts would have knocked them all to pieces in 
ten minutes or less. The works at Yorktown were 
for the most part built by negro slaves, impressed 
from their masters by the Confederate authorities. 

To re-inforce the front walls or glacis of the 
works, in case of an assault, and to make an approach 
to them in any part dangerous, the Confederates had 
planted a great many loaded shells, generally 8-inch 
and 10-inch mortar shells, so arranged as to explode 
when trod on or otherwise disturbed. This was 

108 



THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN 

against tlie laws of war and the Union commanders 
and some of the Confederate leaders protested against 
it. It was an ugly thing for men to do that prided 
themselves on their "chivalry." 



109 



CHAPTER XII. 

THE BATTLE OF WILLIAMSBURG. 

WHEN the Confederates evacuated Yorktown and 
the line of the Warwick they struck straight up 
the Peninsula for Richmond and the James river val- 
ley. Their route lay through the historic old town of 
"Williamsburg, once the capital of Virgina and now 
the county seat of James City County. 

Williamsburg is tweh^e miles west of Yorktown, 
but the Confederate fortifications were two or three 
miles nearer. Stoneman and his cavalry followed hard 
after Jeb Stuart's cavalry and Longstreet's infantry, 
constituting the Confederate rear, and nine miles out, 
at a fortification called by the Confederates Fort Ma- 
gruder, brought the latter to a stand. They were too 
strong for his cavalry alone and Stoneman waited for 
the Union infantry. Hooker's and Kearney's Divisions, 
which he knew were coming on through the mud. 

On the morning of the 5th the battle of Williams- 
burg began and it lasted all day. There was some 
very bloody fighting. On the Union side Hooker's 
Division bore the brunt. 

Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock won great renown, 
at the battle of Williamsburg. He was then in com- 
mand of the First Brigade of W. F. Smith's Division 
of Keyes' Fourth Corps. Hancock had the key to 
complete victory. Next morning, if the fight should 
be reneAved, the Confederates would be disastrously 
defeated. Their commanders realized this, and that 
night Longstreet left the field and set out for the 
Chickahominy. The Confederates did not want to 
fight at Williamsburg; they did not want to fight 
anywhere until they got in front of Richmond. 

110 



CHAPTER XIII. 

ON THE CHICKAHOMINY. 

THE First Minnesota was Avithin the fortiiications 
at Yorktown that 5th day of May when the bat- 
tle of Williamsburg was being fought. It was twelve 
miles away, but the heavy atmosphere carried the 
sound well, and the noise of the battle was plainly 
heard. Troops were moving out in the direction of 
the firing as rapidly as the terrible conditions of the 
roads would permit, and the men thought a terrible 
conflict was raging. 

About dark General Gorman's Brigade set out to- 
wards Williamsburg. Though short, it was a terrible 
march. It was raining, of course, and the roads had 
been almost impassable for a long time, and so the 
mud, slush, ruts and quagmires were now something 
frightful. A black, impenetrable darkness added to 
the discomforts. Other troops were marching ahead, 
toiling along with frequent halts. The Regiment ran 
into their wagons, artillery and troops, and there was 
great confusion and disorder. 

Though it had left Yorktown three hours before, 
the regiment had compassed only about one mile 
when it was ordered to countermarch and return to 
the starting point. Welcome news ! The return 
march was made in far less time than the outward 
and at midnight the men were safely sheltered within 
Magruder's fortifications back of Yorktown. Mc- 
Clellan had ordered up the naval vessels of Flag 
Officer Goldsborough and some transports to convey 
Franklin's Division and other troops up the big 
broad York River to its head, at West Point. 

The First Minnesota had been ordered back from 

111 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

the route to "Williamsburg to follow with its Division 
that of General Franklin by water to West Point. 
General McClellan sent not only Franklin's of Mc- 
Dowell's Corps but Sedgwick's and Richardson's Di- 
visions of Sumner's and Fitz John Porter's of Keyes' 
Corps up the York River in transports to "West Point 
and the right bank of the Pamunkey. The other Di- 
visions, the wagon trains, and the reserve artillery 
moved subsequently by land. The First Minnesota 
left Yorktown in the afternoon of May 7, on the 
steamer Long Branch. 

"While an enemy that could be met and contended 
with was getting ready to meet McClellan 's army at 
Richmond, there was a more dangerous enemy await- 
ing the Northern forces, and this enemy could not be 
met and fought outright. This was the deadly malaria 
of the low, swampy, miasmic marshes and flats of the 
James and Chickahominy Rivers. Upon these flats 
and through these marshes and swamps the Union 
troops would have to go and if they waited until 
near the first of June, the regular annual fever sea- 
son would be on in all its terror and deadliness. 

McClellan started the movement of his troops 
from "Williamsburg on the 8th, Keyes' Fourth Corps 
in advance, following Stoneman's cavalr3^ which soon 
opened communication with General Franklin at 
Eltham, a little town two miles from "West Point, 
but on the south side of the Pamunkey. 

On the retreat of the Confederates from "Williams- 
burg, TIeintzelman 's and Keyes' Corps pushed for- 
ward as fast as they could, not especially after the 
fleeing enemy (who could not be overtaken) but to 
make haste and form a junction with Franklin's, 
Sedgwick's and Porter's Divisions, then near "West 
Point or Eltham. This was soon accomplished. 

But the very next day "White House Landing, on 

112 



ON THE CHICKAHOMINY 

the south bank of the Pamunkey, fifteen miles up 
the river on a straight line from West Point, and 
twenty-two miles almost due east of Richmond, was 
selected as the permanent base. 

"White House Landing took its name from White 
House, a very fine plantation running along the 
south bank of the Pamunkey and owned by inherit- 
ance from her mother's family by the wife of Gen. 
Robert E. Lee. It was a very historic site, formerly 
owned by Widow Martha Custis, and was her resid- 
ence when she married George Washington. The 
ceremony took place near the White House in St. 
Peter's Episcopal Church, an unpretentious building, 
isolated and still standing in 1862. General Lee's 
wife was a granddaughter of Martha Custis. 

The First Minnesota remained in camp near West 
Point until May 9, when it moved up the Pamunkey 
two miles or so to Eltham Landing. It was on ship- 
board en route to West Point when the so-called 
battle of West Point was being fought between 
Whiting and Franklin, or rather between Hood and 
Newton. When it arrived at Eltham and went into 
camp, pickets were constantly kept out as if there 
were the greatest danger. The most advanced regi- 
ments were thrown back and kept near the river 
and so the Confederates continued their march 
toward Richmond without being further troubled. 

The Regiment remained in camp at Eltham for 
about a week, or until May 15. Then, when a rain 
the day before had softened the roads, and another 
soaking one was falling, it set out on the march 
again, going directly westward towards New Kent 
Court House. It rained all day and a march of 
only about eight miles was made, the command go- 
ing into camp in a yellow pine grove, two miles east 
of New Kent, where a stop of three days was made. 

113 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

May 18 the regiment moved again, encamping on 
the farm of Dr. May, then a surgeon on the staff of 
General Lee. After a rest of three days it again 
moved and made a march of eight miles. This day, 
according to Locliren, it passed AVhite House "and 
the church where "Washington was married." At 
night it encamped on the York and Eichmond Rail- 
road three miles from the Chickahominy, connecting 
the right wing of the army with the left. On the 
23d it went forward four miles and camped on 
the left bank of the Chickahominy. 

Eltham Landing was so named from a large fine 
old estate near by. Here was a large though some- 
what dilapidated old brick mansion, with large wings 
and other appointments. In connection was a high- 
walled family cemetery with numerous monuments. 
Many of the Minnesota boys visited the historic old 
mansion and one or two wrote to the home papers 
about it. 

For several days the regiment was encamped on 

the plantation of Dr. Wm. Mayo, whose sister was 

\ the wife of General Scott. Unlike his loyal brother- 

j in-law. Dr. I\Iayo was a "secesh" and in May, 1862, 

was with the Confederate army. His plantation was 

about two miles from Cumberland Landing. 

General McClellan now had the James River to 
rely upon as a highway for the conveyance of his 
supplies, if the York River and the York & Rich- 
mond Railroad should fail him. On the 10th the 
Confederates evacuated Norfolk. The next day Tat- 
nall blew up the Merrimac. On the 12th a Union 
fleet composed of the Monitor, Galena, Aroostook, 
Port Royal, and Naugatuck, under Commodore 
Rodgers, ascended the James to within twelve miles 
of Richmond, when they were checked by the guns 

114 



ON THE CHICKAHOMINY 

of Fort Darling, on Drewry's Bluff, and compelled 
to return to Fort Monroe. 

The march of the Minnesota boys from Eltham 
to the Chickahominy was a memorable one — memor- 
able because so miserable. First, the roads were 
almost untraversable and the weather extremely dis- 
agreeable. It is a military adage that in time of 
war all roads are bad and all weather disagreeable, 
and the rule certainly applied to the Peninsula of 
Virginia in the spring of 1862. That is an old coun- 
try and the roads are worn down well into the tough 
clay subsoil. The soil back from the streams was 
unproductive and its occupants were poor. Along 
the rivers there were some good plantations but not 
many. Live stock of any kind was scarce. From 
this it will be understood that it w^as quite a poor 
country for foraging and adding fresh provisions to 
the soldiers' stale rations. 

But even if the country had been as fair as a 
garden of the Lord's and as rich withal, that fact 
would not have helped the soldiers much. General 
McClellan sternly forbade all unauthorized foraging, 
and enforced his orders, too. The excess of precau- 
tion and the severity of his measures to preserve 
from trespass and injury every species of property 
belonging to the people were felt by the soldiers as 
a grievance. Every farmhouse and cottage was fur- 
nished with a guard by the army provost guard of 
Gen. Andrew Porter, of Bull Run fame, who was 
Provost Marshal; and this provost guard went ahead 
of the main army, so that the column, when it came 
up, found the sentinels on duty, with strict orders 
to protect not only the persons and household goods, 
but to watch over the farm-yards, stables, forage, 
wells, and even the rail fences of the people. 

By the 24th of May, General McClellan had his 

115 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

^ army in front of Eichmond. The First Minnesota 
\ was encamped near the north bank of the Chicka- 
j hominy, about three miles up the stream from where 
it was crossed by the Richmond & York River rail- 
road and ten miles due east of Richmond. 

The Chiekahominy like the Warwick and other 
so-called rivers, is only a creek. It drains a long, 
swampy and marshy district. It rises fifteen miles 
north of Richmond, flows southeastwardly and fin- 
ally empties into the James River, 40 miles below 
that city. Opposite where the First Minnesota was 
camped the river, in its ordinary stage, was only 
about 40 feet wide. But this was the bed of the 
river. It was fringed with a growth of rather heavy 
forest trees, and bordered on either side by low, 
marshy bottom lands varying from half a mile to a 
mile in width. 

There was then no place where the high ground 
came near the stream on both banks. But above the 
First Minnesota's position, five miles up stream, where 
1 the Gaines mill road crossed, at the New Bridge, 
and four miles further up, where the Virginia Central 
Railroad crossed at the Mechanicsville Bridge, and 
two miles still further up, at the Meadow Bridge, 
the west bank of the river (the Confederate side) 
opposite each bridge was bordered by high bluffs; 
but the east side was flat. The bluffs afforded Gen- 
eral Johnston fine positions on which to build his 
breastworks and place his batteries. McClellan, there- 
fore, was obliged to select other and less dangerous 
crossings of the Chiekahominy in order to come in 
contact with his enemy. (Own Story, p. 362.) 

From West Point, by way of Tunstall's Station — 
the latter the most beautiful camp of the campaign 
— the army had followed along or near the Rich- 

116 



ON THE CHICKAHOMINY 

mond & York Eiver Railroad, which was repaired 
and put in running order as progress was made. 
Locomotives and cars were brought from New York 
to equip the road and it was put in good condition. 
This road crossed the Chickahominy two miles above 
Bottom's Bridge and from thence the distance to 
Richmond was 12 miles due west. 

Three miles west of the Chickahominy, on the rail- 
road, was Savage's station, so called because a farm- 
er of that name lived near. The next station to- 
wards Richmond, four miles, was called Fair Oaks. 
Near the station was a farm that was so called. 
Many Virginia farmers, being of English descent, 
followed the customs of the landed gentry of Eng- 
land and named their residences and farms for cer- 
tain characteristics or some fancy. Thus there were 
Westover, Brandon, Malvern, Fair Oaks, Briarwood, 
Seven Pines, etc. 

On retiring to the west bank of the Chickahominy 
the Confederates destroyed all the bridges except 
Bottom's. This bridge was where the "Williamsburg 
stage road crossed the Chickahominy. As early as 
May 20, General Naglee's brigade, of Keyes' Corps, 
crossed the river here and pushed forward to near 
the James River, some miles below Richmond, with- 
out finding the enemy in force. The rest of the 
Fourth Corps, under Keyes, crossed on the 23d. By 
the 25th McClellan had his army astraddle of the 
Chickahominy, Keyes' and Heintzelman's Corps on 
the west or right bank and Sumner's, Porter's and 
Franklin's on the east side. 

On the 24th, 25th and 26th Naglee's Brigade made 
another reconnaissance, going this time out along the 
Williamsburg stage road eight miles to the Seven 
Pines — seven tall, slender yellow pine trees, on the 

117 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Williamsburg road, a mile southeast of Fair Oaks 
station. Near by was the house of a Mr. Allen. On 
the 25th the entire Fourth Corps was ordered to take 
up and fortify a position near the Seven Pines. Here 
was a cross roads ; the "Williamsburg road ran east 
and west and what was called the Nine Mile road 
crossed it here, running southeast and northwest. 
Keyes at once dug a strong line of rifle pits, and 
built good breastworks, with abatis in front, in the 
rear of the point where the Nine Mile road crosses 
the Williamsburg. 

On the 24th, also, a detachment of Porter's 
Coi'ps, with three batteries, drove out a rather light 
force that had been holding Mechanicsville, which 
was a small hamlet (now extinct) but was where 
three roads met. It was a mile north of the Chick- 
ahominy and ten miles or so north of Richmond. 
The Confederates retreated across the river over 
what was known as the Mechanicsville Bridge and 
burned the bridge after them. It was three days 
later when Porter defeated Branch's Brigade at Han- 
over Court House. 

The Confederates knew every move that McClel- 
lan made. General Johnston was simply waiting to 
make one battle complete his work. He knew that 
McClellan had straddled the Chickahominy and he 
tells us (Battle & Leads. Vol. 2, p. 211) that he 
wanted the distance between the two Corps on the 
west side of the river and the three on the east side 
to be increased as far as possible. 

Gen. J. R. Anderson, in front of Fredericksburg 
with his Division, sent word on the 24th to Johnston 
that the advance of McDowell's Corps had left Fred- 
ricksburg for Richmond. At once General Johnston 
summoned his generals in council preparatory for 

118 



ON THE CHICKAHOMINY 

battle the next day, before McDowell could come 
within 20 miles of McClellan. The council was al- 
most ready to adjourn, when a messenger came from 
''Jeb" Stuart saying that it was certain that Mc- 
Dowell's advance had returned to Fredericksburg and 
that the whole Corps was to be sent to the Shenan- 
doah Valley. Then the battle was postponed. 
(Ibid p. 212.) 

As previously stated the Confederates had des- 
troyed the bridges over the Chickahominy except 
Bottom's bridge, opposite the lower extremity of the 
Union line. It was incumbent on General McClellan 
to replace these structures as soon as the work could 
be done, working night and day. It is a military 
proposition that if a stream divide an army, it should 
be spanned as soon as possible by as many new 
bridges as practicable so that troops and guns may 
be readily passed from one side of the stream to the 
other. 

r On the 27th of May the Fii^st Minnesota was or- 
dered to the Chickahominy to build a bridge for the 
crossing of Sumner's Second Corps. The Corps was 
to have two bridges, called Sumner's Upper and Sum- 
ner's Lower; the First Minnesota built the Upper 
bridge, the one farthest up stream. This bridge 
was built of logs cut near the banks by the men and 
it was completed before sunset, except a part of the 
corduroy approach. The work was superintended by 
the army engineers and executed in good style by the 
experienced woodsmen of the regiment detailed from 
Co. B^^under command of Captain Mark W. Downie, 
and from Co. D. under command of Lieut. C. B. 
Heffelfinger. 

To bind the cross logs of the bridge in their 
places, grapevines were cut and used. These vines 

119 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

were abundant on the shores of the stream and easily 
procured. They answered their intended purpose 
only fairly well. Grapevines were also used in the 
construction of the Sumner's Lower bridge, built by 
Richardson's Division, and since the war there have 
been frequent controversies over which was the real 
Grapevine bridge and who built it. The bridges were 
serviceable only part of the time; they failed when 
badly needed. A heavy rain fell, the Chickahominy 
went out of its banks, the Lower bridge was washed 
away, and the Upper was in a very precarious con- 
dition at a very critical time. 

"While the Regiment was at work on the Grape- 
vine bridge, the men heard the sound of the fighting 
at Hanover, C. H., twelve miles to the northwest. 
The First Minnesota with other troops were sent to 
reinforce the Union troops at Hanover Court House 
where General Porter was engaged with the enemy. 
It marched from the Chickahominy to Hanover on 
the 28th, and returned the next day. Among the 
Union troops engaged at Hanover was Captain Rus- 
sell's Second Company of Minnesota Sharpshooters, 
although they were not sent on the field in time to 
do conspicuous service. They had one man wounded. 



120 



CHAPTER XIV. 

SEVEN PINES AND FAIR OAKS. 

ON the 30th of May the positions of McClellan's 
troops on the southwest, or Richmond side of 
the Chickahominy were as follows: Casey's Division 
was on the right of the Williamsburg stage road ex- 
tending from that road north to the York River Rail- 
road at Fair Oaks Station. Couch's Division was at 
the Seven Pines, a mile southeast of Fair Oaks. 
These two Divisions belonged to Keyes' Fourth 
Corps. The two Divisions of Heintzelman's Third 
Corps were placed in the rear or east of Keyes'. 
Kearney's Division was on the York Railroad, strung 
along from Savage's Station to Bottom's Bridge over 
the Chickahominy, and Hooker's was from two to 
four miles south of Kearney's, along what was known 
as the White Oak Swamp. This swamp extended 
from Casey's Division several miles in a southeast 
direction to the Chickahominy. 

The two Divisions of Casey and Couch were with- 
in seven miles of Richmond and the two Divisions 
supporting them, Kearney's and Hooker's, were dis- 
connected and strung out. It almost seemed as if 
Casey and Couch were in a condition inviting cap- 
ture or destruction; and General Keyes had frequent- 
ly called General McClellan's attention to the dan- 
ger. If the condition was meant as an invitation, 
General Johnston promptly responded to it. 

The night of the 30th of May another heavy rain 
fell. All the Chickahominy bottoms were afloat. The 
grapevine bridges were in peril. About 8:30 the 
next morning, the 31st, General Johnston moved 

121 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

eastward from his fortifications at Eichmond to as- 
sault and destroy Keyes' isolated divisions. He had 
in all about 38,000 men and his force was divided 
into two wings. Longstreet commanded the right 
wing, which would operate mainly on the southern 
half of the Union line, and Gen. Gustavus W. Smith 
commanded the left wing, which was to assault the 
northern half of the Union position, 

Johnston's advance struck the Union skirmish 
line about 11 a. m., but the fighting did not get good 
and hot until 12:30. Casey's Division was the first 
struck and was crushed and thrown back easily, as 
far as Couch's position at Seven Pines. This w^as 
afterward called the ''Second line of defense." 

Couch's Division fought with bravery and tenac- 
ity, for Darius N. Couch was brave and tenacious, 
and like master like man. Rather early in the action 
General Keyes had sent back to General Heintzelman 
— Avho was really in command of both the Third and 
Fourth Corps, the left wnng of the army — for re- 
enforcements from Kearney's and Hooker's Divi- 
sions. But the message did not reach Heintzelman 
until 2 o'clock and it was after 4 o'clock before Phil 
Kearney, with his foremost brigade arrived at "the 
second position" where Couch's men and the wreck 
of Casey's Division were fighting for their lives — 
and more than their lives. 

]\Ieanwhile Longstreet 's and Hill's Divisions, con- 
stituting the Confederate right wing, had been push- 
ing forward on the Williamsburg road and doing all 
the fighting on their side. Gen. Gustavus Smith's 
left wing, which was to perform an important flank- 
ing operation, had not been heard from. General 
Johnston was with this column, waiting to hear the 
fighting of Longstreet and Hill and to watch for 

122 



SEVEN PINES AND FAIR OAKS 

the approach of McClellan's three corps from the 
east bank of the Chickahominy. "Owing to some 
peculiar condition of the atmosphere the sound of the 
musketry did not reach us until late," he says, and 
it was after 4 o'clock before Smith's Division came 
upon the field. 

Couch was back on "the second line," struggling 
to relieve the pressure on him, and Kearney was 
helping all he could, when suddenly Smith's advance 
brigades came on Couch's right by the rear of the 
Nine-Mile road and also by the road toward Fair 
Oaks Station. Couch had two fresh regiments of 
Kearney and some of his own men, but Smith sent 
a force between him and his little command and cut 
him off from the main part of his Division. (Couch's 
report. War Recs.) 

It was now between 5 and 6 o'clock, and it 
seemed that all of McClellan's army across the 
Chickahominy was doomed. Casey's Division had 
gone to pieces; Couch's was bisected; Berry's and 
Jameson's brigades of Kearney, which had gone up 
on the left, had been thrown back on the "White Oak 
Swamp, and they only got back to the army late that 
night under cover of darkness ; the Union center was 
struggling to escape. Just at this crisis, when the 
fate of the day and of McClellan's army was trem- 
bling in the balance, relief appeared, and the action 
was determined by the sudden and inspiriting advent 
of a stray Union column from the north bank of 
the Chickahominy. 

General Sumner had come ! 

At about 1 o'clock that day, when the Corps was 
in camp on Tyler's farm, back from the upper 
Grapevine Bridge, the men of Sumner's Corps first 
heard the fighting across the river between Long- 

123 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

street and Keyes. It had been going on since 11 
o'clock, but had not been heard. Simultaneously 
with the sound of battle came an order from Mc- 
Clellan to Sumner saying in effect: "Hold your 
command in readiness to move at a moment's warn- 
ing." 

General Sumner prepared to move by moving at 
once! In 15 minutes his two Divisions, Sedgwick's 
and Richardson's, were under arms and marching 
down to the Grapevine bridges, getting ready to 
move! While waiting for the order, the Grapevine 
bridge which the First ]\Iinnesota had built four days 
before was examined. The heavy rain of the pre- 
vious night had set it afloat! At least the corduroy 
approaches were under water and the bridge itself 
was, "precarious." Swinton says: 

"The rough logs forming the corduroy 
approaches over the swamp were mostly 
afloat and only kept from drifting off by 
the stumps of trees to which they were fast- 
ened. The portion over the body of the 
stream was suspended from the trunks of 
trees by ropes, on the strength of which 
depended the possibility of passage." 
(Swinton, p. 137.) 

In 1864 Colonel Alexander, of the Engineer Corps, 
wrote an article describing the battle of Fair Oaks, 
and this article was published in the Atlantic Month- 
ly for March of that year. Describing the crossing 
of Sumner's Corps on this occasion, the article says: 

"The possibility of crossing was doubted 
by all present, including General Sumner 
himself. As the solid column of infantry 
entered upon the bridge, it swayed to and 
fro to the angry flood below or the living 
freight above, settling down and grasping 
the solid stumps by which it was made se- 

124 



SEVEN PINES AND FAIR OAKS 

cure as the line advanced. Once filled with 
men, however, it was safe until the Corps 
crossed; it then soon became impassable." 

It was the only bridge left intact. The rains 
descended and the floods came, and beat upon that 
bridge, but it fell not, because it was built by Min- 
nesotians who knew their business. Sedgwick's three 
brigades crossed over it and two of Richardson's 
brigades followed them. The bridge which Richard- 
son's men had built was partially washed away. In 
his report General Richardson says his men "had to 
wade to their middles in water" before they could 
reach the part that was left. French's brigade 
crossed this bridge, after great difficulty, but 
Meagher's and Howard's went up and crossed at the 
Minnesota-built bridge. Richardson had to leave all 
his artillery in the mud, and then he did not get to 
the firing line till after 6 o'clock, "it then being 
dark." (Richardson's report, War Recs. Vol. 11, 
p. 764.) 

Sedgwick's Division got the order to cross at 
2 :30 and almost at once obeyed it, although all condi- 
tions were forbidding. Striking the west bank of 
the river, the Division set out at quick time, the 
men walking as fast as they could pull their feet out 
of the mud. 

' The First Minnesota had the post of honor. It 
was the regiment in the lead. Gorman's w^as the 
leading brigade, and right behind it came Kirby's 
battery, I, First U. S., which its commander, Lieut. 
Edmund Kirby had much trouble in getting to the 
front, by reason of the mud, etc. "I was obliged at 
times to unlimber and use the prolonge, the can- 
noneers being up to their waists in water." (Kirby's. 
report.) After Kirby, came in order Burns' and 

125 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Dana's brigades, followed by Tompkins,' Bartlett's, 
and Owen's batteries. 

The Regiment, heading its Brigade, Division, and 
Corps, pressed well along the road to Fair Oaks. 

Reaching a point near Fair Oaks Station after 5 
o'clock Sedgwick found Couch with a small force 
still battling, but bleeding at every vein. Upon de- 
bouching into the open wheatfield near the house of 
a Mr. Adams about a mile northeast of Fair Oaks, 
General Abercrombie 's Brigade, of Couch, was under- 
going an attack which had been protracted for hours 
and had been hot and heavy from the first; the 
Brigade was about all in. How they cheered when 
the Minnesotians came on the field ! 

The First Minnesota was promptly formed in 
battle line, under a sharp fire, and sent into a wheat 
field to the right of Abercrombie 's Brigade to pro- 
tect that flank. The w^heat field belonged to a Mr. 
Courtney and his house was a point where there was 
danger that the enemy would place a strong flanking 
force. Colonel Sully placed the Regiment near the 
Courtney house, behind a rail fence. There was some 
danger that he would be set upon before his supports 
could be placed, and General Sedgwick commended 
him for his "admirable coolness and judgment." 
(Sedgwick's report. War Rec, Part 1, Vol. 11, p. 
791.) 

The remainder of Gorman's brigade, the Fifteenth 
Massachusetts and the Thirty-Fourth and Eighty- 
Second New York, led by General Gorman in person, 
was hurried to the left of Abercrombie 's position. 
At 5 :30 three of the mud-covered 12-pound Napoleons 
of Kirby's Battery came up. The other three were in 
the rear, buried in the mud, but were being extri- 
cated. General Sumner immediately ordered them 

126 



SEVEN PINES AND FAIR OAKS 

into position, the right piece resting on a strip of 
woods and the left gun about 70 yards from the 
Adams house, and facing south towards Fair Oaks 
Station. The Fifteenth Massachusetts was support- 
ing the battery. 

Just in time ! General Gorman had not placed his 
men ten minutes, when Gen. Gustavus Smith's big 
Confederate Division burst forth upon them. General 
Johnston had been holding back this wing of his 
army, and the men were all fresh and in fine condi- 
tion. The Division was temporarily commanded by 
Gen. W. H. C. Whiting and it had five brigades, 
Law's, Hood's, Hampton's, Hatton's, and Pettigrew's. 
Law's Brigade was the old Barnard E. Bee's brigade 
(that fought the First Minnesota at Bull Run, and 
here were the Fourth Alabama, Second Mississippi, 
Eleventh Mississippi, and Sixth North Carolina, all 
waiting to be paid for what they gave the IMinne- 
sotians at the Henry house. 

The Confederates under the immediate eyes and 
direction of General Johnston and Gen. Gustavus 
Smith, soon charged the Union troops. General 
Couch, out of all his Division, had left but four regi- 
ments, two companies, and Brady's Battery. These 
had the center, and Sedgwick's Division was on both 
flanks; Richardson's had not yet arrived. 

Here came the enemy on the old rebel charge and 
with the old "rebel yell." Law's and Pettigrew's 
brigades were to the left front of the First Minne- 
sota and directly opposite Couch's regiments. The 
Minnesotians had an oblique fire on the Fourth 
Alabama, Second Mississippi, and their comrade 
regiments of Law's Brigade and briskly they kept 
it up. The entire Union line delivered concerted and 
frightfully destructive volleys upon their assailants 

127 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

as they advanced. Kirby's Battery added to the 
destruction with spherical case shot and shell from 
its three 12-pound Napoleons, and soon the gray 
masses fell back and took shelter in the woods on 
the right. Kirby now had to turn his battery toward 
the west. 

Just then Lieutenant "Woodruff came up with 
two of Kirby's guns that had been swamped, and 
Kirby put that section on the left of his other three 
guns and began firing away with all five into the 
woods where the enemy was forming for another 
charge. A few rounds had been fired when Lieut- 
enant French came up with the remaining gun. Un- 
luckily just then a trail to another piece had broken, 
so that it was useless, and the supply of spherical 
case and shell had given out. Kirby cast the dam- 
aged piece to one side and sent two limber chests to 
the rear, where his caissons were buried in the mud, 
for more case shot and shell. The Confederates were 
now moving, but were beyond canister range, and 
Kirby had to throw solid shot among them, just to 
"occupy them," he says. 

The First Minnesota was on the right of General 
Couch's little force, and the other three regiments of 
Gorman's Brigade were to the left of Couch. Burns' 
Brigade was on the right of the First Minnesota, its 
left regiment, Colonel Baxter's Seventy-Second Penn- 
sylvania (Zouaves) overlapping a part of the Minne- 
sota right. The brigade was under fire and lost 5 
killed and 30 wounded. At midnight General Burns 
took the Seventy-First Pennsylvania — the "California 
Regiment," of Ball's Bluff fame — and two regiments 
of Dana's Brigade back to the Chickahominy to pro- 
tect the line of communication; his three other regi- 
ments remained at Fair Oaks. His brigade was com- 
posed of four Pennsylvania regiments. 

128 



SEVEN PINES AND FAIR OAKS 

During the fighting a section, two pieces, of Bat- 
tery A, First Peuns3'lvania Heavy Artillery, Capt. 
James Bracly commanding, which belonged to and 
had been serving with Abercrombie's Brigade, was 
sent to the right and support of the First Minnesota. 
Captain Brady, who was in charge of the guns, at 
once opened on the enemy with shell and case shot, 
and kept up the firing till the victory was gained. 

When the Confederates were for the second time 
showing themselves, General Gorman was ordered 
to throve first the Eighty-Second, then the Thirty- 
Fourth New York, and then the Fifteenth Massachu- 
setts upon the enemy's flank and front. The Eighty- 
Second, Lieutenant-Colonel Hudson commanding, went 
quickly forward, through garden fences and other 
obstacles, until it reached a line 100 yards from the 
Confederates, when it opened a galling fire upon 
them. Then, by Sumner's and Sedgwick's orders. 
General Gorman sent up the Thirty-Fourth, Colonel 
Suiter commanding, to strengthen the Eighty-Second. 
Then he sent up Lieutenant-Colonel Kimball with the 
Fifteenth ^Massachusetts, from Kirby's Battery, to 
support the two New York regiments. 

The Confederates and the Unionists were each side 
pressing forward to meet the other, firing as they ad- 
vanced. When the lines v/ere about 50 yards apart, 
General Sumner shouted to General Gorman : 
''Charge 'em with the bayonet. General Gorman!" 
Then he gave the same command to the Thirty- 
Fourth New York. 

The New Yorkers threw themselves headlong into 
the woods directly against the enemy. The Fifteenth 
Massachusetts came in support in the center. Two 
regiments of Dana's Brigade, the Nineteenth Massa- 
chusetts and the Tammany Regiment (42d New York) 
had been left back on duty at the Chickahominy ; 

129 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

the other two, the Seventh Michigan and the Twen- 
tieth Massachusetts, were up and Sedgwick ordered 
them to assist Gorman's regiments in the charge, 
and they did so, acting on Gorman's left. 

The charging promised at one time to be a very 
fierce and bloody affair. But the Confederates were 
receiving such crushing volleys from the five infantry 
regiments, and Kirby with his five good Napoleons 
was fairly blowing them to pieces with his fresh 
supply of spherical case and shell, that they were in 
no mood to receive the cold steel in their anatomies. 
Prom say 6 o 'clock to 7 :30 there was some of Phil 
Kearney's '' beautiful fighting" on that Allen farm 
in the environs of Fair Oaks. And to this fighting 
the First Minnesota contributed. It was well pro- 
tected, had a good enfilading range, and fought the 
Fourth Alabama and Second Mississippi under about 
the same conditions as those regiments fought it at 
Bull Run, — giving plenty without taking any. 

The Confederates began to shrink away from the 
bayonet fighting. All but Hampton's South Carolina 
Legion. It stood before the Thirty-Fourth New York 
and lowered its bayonets to receive the charge. But 
Avhen the New Yorkers had reached ten paces from 
the South Carolinians the latter excused themselves 
and hurriedly left the field. 

And now the Confederates were driven from the 
field in the greatest confusion and wildest consterna- 
tion. They left the ground well covered with their 
dead and wounded, and among them was some of 
the best blood of the South. They had no cannon 
with them as they could not be handled in the woods. 
They lost over 100 unwounded prisoners. Their 
shattered battalions were driven clear away from the 
field and Sedgwick's Division occupied it that night 
and until after daylight next morning. 

130 



SEVEN PINES AND FAIR OAKS 

About 7 o'clock in the evening, or near sundown, 
General Johnston was wounded. General Hatton had 
just been killed by his side, and General Johnston 
was encouraging the men of the Tennessee brigade. 
The five regiments under General Gorman were com- 
ing, firing as they came, and Kirby's Battery was 
pouring in case shot and shell. Suddenly General 
Johnston got a musket ball in his right shoulder. 
Before the shock had passed, a shell from Kirby's 
Battery burst in front of him and a considerable 
fragment struck him in the breast, crushing it in and 
knocking him from his horse. He was borne on a 
litter to the rear and placed in an ambulance. Jeff 
Davis and General Lee, who were in the rear, came 
up and saw the wounded general before he was 
taken to Richmond. There he remained, often near 
death, until the 12th of November, nearly six months, 
before he was able for light service. (Johnston's 
Narrative.) 

The First Minnesota, in its sheltered position, had 
but 2 men killed and 4 wounded. Henry Arnsdorf, 
of Company C, was killed early on the morning of 
1 June 1, while on picket, and Nicholas Hammer, of 
Company F, of Red Wing, was killed on Saturday. 
The wounded Avere Sergt. Chas. M. Tucker, of Com- 
pan H, and Privates Geo. W. Patten, of Company D, 
James Cannon of Company I, Alexander Shaw and 
Andrew J. Truesdale of Company K. 

Sunday morning, June 1, the fighting was resumed 
at Fair Oaks, running down to the Seven Pines. The 
Confederate right wing, Longstreet's and Dan Hill's 
i Divisions, had suffered terribly on Saturday in de- 
jfeating and driving Casey and Couch, but they were 
re-enforced that night by Huger's Division composed 
of 16 regiments of infantry and six batteries which 
were distributed among the three brigades of Gen- 

131 



THE FIKST MINNESOTA 

erals Mahone, "Wright, and Armistead. To these were 
added Pickett's, Pry or 's, and Wilcox's Brigades of 
QDongstreet's Division. General Smith's Division was 
not engaged that day. 

This force mider Gen. Dan Hill, attacked Richard- 
son's Division, in position near Fair Oaks Station and 
below the railroad, but parallel with it, at 6 :30 in 
the morning. 

In the severe fighting that ensued. General How- 
ard, while leading his brigade and pressing back the 
enemy, (Pickett's Brigade), lost his right arm. The 
Confederates were driven from the field at last and 
retired towards Eichmond. They were not pursued. 
That Sunday night, by order of their new com- 
mander. General Lee, they began to retire to their 
fortifications in front of Richmond. IMonday morn- 
ing they were all gone from the battlefield. 

General Gorman's Brigade took a creditable part 
in this day's engagement. Plardly had it begun 
when the General was ordered to leave the First 
Minnesota in its position on the right flank, the 
Fifteenth ]\Iassachusetts on the right front, and then 
to take the two New York regiments to the assist- 
ance of Richardson's Division. 

The troops that became engaged did splendid 
work and General Gorman praised them highly. 
V Before noon the fighting was all over and the Con- 
federates had retreated, leaving their dead and the 
greater part of their wounded in the hands of the 
Union troops. Just at the close of the battle Capt. 
"W. F. Russell's Second Company of ^Minnesota Sharp- 
shooters came upon the field and reported to General 
Gorman. The General sent them at once to the firing 
line, where they did good work during the half hour 
they were engaged. The Company had one man 
wounded, Chris. J. Lind, whose trigger finger was 

132 



SEVEN PINES AND FAIR OAKS 

shot off, necessitating his discharge. 

The Union victory at Fair Oaks was won by 
General Sumner and the two divisions of his Second 
Corps, with Heintzelman 's Corps contributing. All 
military writers of authority agree upon this point. 
The great expert, ~Wm. Swinton, whose opinion was 
a composite of the judgments of the leading generals 
of the Army of the Potomac, says : 

"Thus, when all was lost, Sumner's 
, , promptitude saved the day. * * * The 
brave old Sumner now sleeps in a soldier's 
grave, but that one act of heroic duty must 
embalm his memory in the hearts of his 
countrymen — Camj)s. Ar. of Pot., p. 138." 



133 



CHAPTER XV. 

CAMP AT FAIR OAKS. 

AFTEE the baftle of Fair Oaks— or Seven Pines, 
as the Confederates called it, perhaps because 
they won the tight at the latter locality and lost it 
at the first named — the general attitude of McClel- 
lan's army was not imposing or promising. The 
Corps on the west side of the Chickahominy re- 
mained there and the army was still astride the 
stream, dangerously divided. 

The First Minnesota and the other regiments of 
Sedgwick's Division went into camps on or near 
Sumner's and Smith's battlefields in the vicinity of 
Fair Oaks, with Richmond only se^yen miles away — so 
near and yet so far! Great earthworks were built 
and supplied with cannon. Long lines of strong in- 
trenchments were constructed and the position made 
so strong that it was practically impregnable to a 
direct attack from the enemy. But a fortified posi- 
tion does not always have to be directly attacked to 
be carried. 

During the remainder of the month of June, ex- 
cepting the last two days, the First Minnesota was 
kept almost constantly on picket or fatigue duty. It 
helped cut and build numerous corduroy roads, — for 
every road after it was cut out had to be corduroyed 
— and it felled acres of woodland in front of the 
fortifications. The Regiment was encamped in an 
angle which had a strong breastwork with traverses 
to protect the men from enfilading artillery. For 
some time after the battle the officers of the Regi- 
ment had their quarters in a good two-story farm 

134 



CAMP AT FAIR OAKS 

house near Fair Oaks. But this house had a strong 
breastwork about it, with four pieces of cannon to 
defend it, and the ground was well cleared in front. 

Day and night the Minnesotians had to be ready 
for battle. The picket lines were fired on every day 
by cavalry, infantry, and artillery. There were 
frequent alarms that ''the Rebs are coming." Scarce- 
ly a night passed that the Regiment was not called 
into line to repel a supposed attack. Sleeping or 
waking the men had to keep their cartridge boxes 
belted about them and have their guns where they 
could instantly reach them. 

The weather was general^ hot ; heavy rains were 
frequent. The land was low-lying. "Water could be 
obtained by digging a shallow well, but to the un- 
acclimated it was very unhealthy — practically pois- 
onous. Nobody knew enough then to boil it to kill 
the disease germs. Disinfectants and antiseptics 
were practically unknown. The surface water, which, 
from the rains, was always abundant, was more 
healthful than the well water. But the surface water 
came through swamps and marshes wherein dead men 
and dead horses lay, putrid and horrible ; and where 
there were always miasma and malaria. 

But the First Minnesota was remarkably healthy 
during this period. The Regiment lost less than 
thirty men by disease during its entire term ; other 
regiments, especially some in the AVestern army, lost 
200 men and even 300. The Third Minnesota lost 119 
of its men by death from malarial fever in tlie two 
months of i\ray and June, 1864, while in camp at 
Pine Bluff, Arkansas. 

Nearly every day there was cannonading and 
affairs between the outposts. Confederate scouting 
parties approached the Union picket lines and banged 
away with cannon for an hour or so. The next day 

135 



1 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Union parties would return the visit and repeat the 
performance of the previous day. The object was to 
"develop the enemy's position" and see what he was 
doing. 

While the weather was hot and sultry, there were 
exceptional and remarkable days. The latter part of 
the month of June was very warm; the 26th was the- 
hottest day, 96 in the shade. The next day was hot 
and the battle of Gaines' Mill was fought under a 
broiling sun. There was a light rain on the 29th, 
the day of the engagements at Allen's Farm, the 
Peach Orchard, and Savage's Station. The night of 
the battle of Malvern Hill, July 1st, the rain poured 
in torrents and so continued through the next day. 
Thereafter until the army left the Peninsula for 
Washington, from August 10th to August 20th, the 
days were almost alternately hot, rainy and pleasant; 
the nights invariably cool. 

The defeat of the Confederates at Fair Oaks 
greatly demoralized them. Their military men were 
disconcerted and Davis and his cabinet Avere greatly 
alarmed. It was believed that naturally JMcClellan 
would follow up the victory. All the church bells 
of Richmond rang wild alarms calling out the able- 
bodied citizens to be organized as militia and home 
guards for the defense of the city against the sup- 
posed attack. The citizens of Richmond were recom- 
mended to leave the city and go to safer places in 
the state, and the Legislature of Virginia, then in 
session, appropriated $200,000 to aid them in fleeing 
to cities of refuge. Fitz John Porter, McClellan's 
closest confidante, urged the commander to attack 
Lee's outer line of works, held by shaken troops, 
while he would come down on their flank from 
Mechauicsville way. But the proposition was at once 
rejected. Meanwhile many citizens had fled from 

136 



CAMP AT FAIR OAKS i 

Richmond and many of the public records were sent - 

away. Mrs. Jefferson Davis had been sent under ] 

escort of Senator Wigfall to North Carolina. | 

And all this had been accomplished by the Second j 
Corps, under command of General Sumner, whose 

prompt forward march to Fair Oaks had resulted in j 

the Union success. And he was past 65 years of age. I 



137 



CHAPTER XVI. 

DlOWxN THE PENINSULA TO HARRISON'S LANDING. 

GENERAL Lee at first expected McClellan to at- 
tack him. After some days Lee, having received 
re-inforcements from Charleston and elsewhere, de- 
termined to himself take the offensive and renew the 
attack on the Union army, notwithstanding the ill 
success of Johnston at Fair Oaks. 

He wanted to learn the exact situation in McClel- 
lan 's rear, to the east of the Chickahominy, and he 
sent Gen. Jeb. Stuart to inspect and report. With 
some 1,200 cavalry and two light cannon, Stuart 
started on the 13th of June to ride around McClel- 
lan 's army. He rode north from Richmond, crossed 
the upper Chickahominy, skirted McClellan 's line in 
the rear, rendezvoused at Hanover C. H., and with 
detachments of three regiments of Virginia cavalry — 
the 1st, 4th and 9th — swept southeast to Tunstall's 
Station and Garlick's Lauding on the Pamunkey. At 
Tunstall's he burned the railroad station and some 
supplies; at Carlick's he killed some soldiers and 
teamsters and burned two schooners laden with for- 
age. Then he turned westward, crossed the Chicka- 
hominy beloAv McClellan 's army, and came up the 
James river road to Richmond. He reported that 
General McClellan 's right and rear were unprotected 
by works of any strength. If General Lee desired to 
attack in that quarter, there Avas nothing in the 
natural situation to prevent. 

Stuart's raid decided Lee to attack McClellan 's 
divisions on the east side of the Chickahominy. 

Lee had called all his available forces to him, 

138 



BACK DOWN THE PENINSULA 

inclnding Stonewall Jackson, who had been doing 
splendid work for the Confederacy up in the Valley 
of Virginia. 

Lee's plan contemplated that as soon as Jackson, 
by his maneuvers on the north bank of the Chicka- 
hominy, should have uncovered the passage of the 
stream north of Richmond, at the Meehaniesville and 
Meadow Bridges, his divisions on the south side should 
cross and join Jackson's column. Then the united 
army would sweep down the north side of the 
Chickahominy towards the York river and event- 
ually lay hold of McClellan's line of communications 
at the White House. (Lee's report. War Recs., Vol. 
11, part 2.) 

On the afternoon of Thursday, June 26, Gen. A. 
P. Hill and his division crossed the Chickahominy at 
Meadow Bridge, high up the Chickahominy, west of 
Meehaniesville, swept down and captured the Meeh- 
aniesville Bridge — driving away the regiment and 
battery guarding it — and then the Divisions of Long- 
street and Dan Hill crossed and joined with A. P. 
Hill. At once the three divisons marched down the 
north bank of the Chickahominy for two miles, when 
they encountered part of Fitz John Porter's Corps 
in position on BeaA'er Dam creek, a small stream 
flowing southward into the Chickahominy, but big 
enough for Porter's purpose. 

The fight was a glorious victory for General 
Porter. The Confederates charged his position again 
and again, and each time were repulsed. Their 
losses were heavy. In some instances the killing 
was fearfully sickening. The Confederates retired a 
little after dark. 

At 4 o'clock on the morning of the 27th McClel- 
lan ordered Porter to retire to Gaines' Mill and take 
up another position, and Porter did so. Here at 

139 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

12:30 he was attacked and the battle of Gaines' Mill 
(or Chickaliominy or Cold Harbor as the Confederates 
called it) was fought. It Avas a bloody victory for 
the Confederates. 

Porter had a good position and fought desperately. 
But the heavy and repeated charges on the weakest 
part of his lines defeated him. The Union troops 
retired fighting (except at one point) turning from 
time to time to beat back the enemy. General Porter 
rode among his men in the thickest of the fight. 
"When they were retreating he said to those of IMor- 
ell's Division: "Retreat like men; don't run like 
sheep." He fought from half past 12 until half past 
8, or eight good long hours. 

Porter's loss at Gaines' Mill was large in prison- 
ers taken when the Confederates swept over the lines 
and when the wounded were abandoned on the field. 
He had 894 killed, 3,107 wounded, 2,836 missing; 
total, 6,837. 

On the Confederate side the total estimated loss 
was 7,784. 

The total Confederate missing did not amount to 
more than 300, so that the aggregate of killed and 
wounded Avas about 7,800 Confederates to 4,000 on 
the Union side. 

Yet Porter lost 14 pieces of artillery and was 
driven from the field and so Gaines' Mill was a Con- 
federate victory. That night Porter was called to 
McClellan's headquarters, which had been removed 
to the west side of the Chickahominy, near the upper 
Grapevine Bridge, at the two-story house of Dr. 
Trent. Here all the Corps' commanders had been 
summoned. McClellan announced to them that he 
had determined to retire southward with the whole 
army to Harrison's Landing, on the James River, 
where he could receive supplies and have the protec- 

140 



BACK DOWN TPIE PENINSULA 

tion of the gunboats. He said it was dangerous for 
Porter to remain longer on the north bank of the 
Chickahominy, and he was ordered to withdraw to 
the south bank and destroy the bridges after him. 
The plans to retreat to the James River were then 
explained and orders given for their execution. 

With the transfer of the right wing, now only 
Porter's Corps, to the south side of the Chickahominy, 
the Army of the Potomac turned its back on the 
Confederate capital and the army defending it, and 
all the high hopes that they would be captured, which 
the loyal people of the country had so fondly held, 
were blasted. Porter withdrew his corps the night 
of the battle of Gaines' Mill, by the assistance of 
French's and Meagher's brigades, which Sumner had 
sent, and crossed the Chickahominy by New Bridge 
safely. Some of Sykes' regulars were the extreme 
rear guard and burned the bridge next morning at 
daylight. 

The Confederates strongly believed that McClel- 
lan would renew the battle at Gaines' Mill the next 
morning and they feared the result, so severely had 
they suffered. A council of officers was held the 
night of the battle and Dr. Dabney in his life of 
Stonewall Jackson, p. 473, says: "After many pain- 
ful details of losses and disasters, they all concurred 
in declaring that IMcClellan would probably take the 
aggressive in the morning and that the Confederate 
army could not resist him." 

But the next morning IMcClellan was retreating. 

oMcClellan 's line of retreat toward his proposed 
new base on the lower James passed between that 
river and the Chickahominy. South from the 
Williamsburg road and the West Point railroad it 
crossed the big White Oak Swamp, heretofore men- 
tioned. This SAvamp headed just south of the Seven 

141 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Pines, ran southeast for about nine miles to White 
Oak Bridge, then turned to the northeast for four 
miles and emptied into the Chickahominy two miles 
below Bottom's Bridge. It was a deep marsh in the 
woods, and was from half a mile to a mile wide. 
Through the center ran a considerable stream which 
was its drain or outlet. This stream had no banks. 
Numerous roads crossed the SAvamp in various direc- 
tions, but it was seldom passable by them. McClel- 
lan's main line of retreat was over a good road and 
bridge and the Confederates could not flank it. 

Keyes' Fourth Corps, Avhich had been stationed 
on the northern margin of "White Oak Swamp, was 
naturally given the advance of the retrograde march. 
By noon of the 28th, it had seized strong positions 
on the south side of the swamp to cover the passage 
of its comrade Corps and their impedimenta. Then 
followed McClellan's long train of 5,000 wagons and 
a herd of 2,500 beef cattle, all of which had to trav- 
erse that great morass by a single narrow road. The 
passage was successfully accomplished, however, in 
24 hours. The night of the 28th Fitz John Porter's 
Fifth Corps was heading for the swamp en route to 
the new base. 

Meanwhile, in order to allow the trains and the 
cattle to get well on their way, Sumner's Second, 
Heintzelman's Third and ''Baldy" Smith's Division 
of Frankln's Sixth Corps had been ordered to remain 
on the Richmond side of the White Oak Swamp 
during the whole day and until after dark of the 
29th. Their positions were arranged to cover the 
roads from Richmond and also Savage's Station on 
the Railroad. 

General Lee soon discovered that McClellan was 
retreating, but he was not certain by what route. 
McClellan could throw all his force across the north 

142 



BACK DOWN THE PENINSULA 

side of the Chiekahominy and fall back by way of 
the York River railroad and the White House, or he 
might retreat down the Peninsula over the same route 
by which General Johnston, in May, had retreated 
up the Peninsula. But he had chosen neither of 
these lines. And so when on the 28th Lee threw out 
Ewell's Division and Stuart's Cavalry to seize the 
York River Railroad, he had his trouble for his pains. 
For MeClellan had abandoned his line of supplies by 
the York River railroad two days before. A great 
part of the stores at West Point had been sent to 
Savage Station, and the rest burned; the water 
transportation had been sent from the White House 
around and up the James River. General Casey con- 
ducted proceedings at the White House, and it was 
during the conflagration which consumed the Union 
stores there that the White House itself, owned by 
Mrs. General Lee, was burned. General Casey said 
he did not know who set the house on fire and that 
it was "against my express orders." (War Recs., 
Vol. 11, part 2, p. 483.) 

Upon learing definitely the route MeClellan was 
taking, Sunday morning, May 29, General Lee put all 
his columns in pursuit on parallel roads. Magruder 
and Huger were ordered out from Richmond to fol- 
low up on the Williamsburg and Charles City roads, 
the latter leading southeast below AVhite Oak Swamp ; 
Longstreet and the Hills were to hurry across the 
Chiekahominy at New Bridge and move by flank 
routes near the James and try to intercept the re- 
treat ; Stonewall Jackson, crossing the Chiekahominy 
at the Grapevine Bridge, was to sweep down the 
left bank of the river, crossing White Oak Swamp 
near its mouth and get on MeClellan 's left flank. 
(War Recs. ; Swinton, p. 155 ; Cooke, Life of Lee, 
p. 89.) 

143 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Early on the morning of Saturday, June 28, the 
wagons of the Union army, laden with supplies, be- 
gan moving south. 

In the afternoon the Minnesota men were ordered 
to pack up and get ready to move. At night even 
the shelter tents were packed and the boys 
bivouacked in the open air; there was no telling what 
moment the order to march would be given. At 
about 4 o'clock next morning, (Sunday, June 29), 
the order came. 

There were some unpleasant features connected 
with the movement. The breastworks and forti- 
fications which had cost much time and labor to 
build, and which were well nigh impregnable, were 
abandoned. The sick and disabled were sent to the 
general hospital at Savage Station, and surgeons and 
ample medical stores were left with thenv 

Scarcely had McClellan's movement to the rear 
begun when the Confederates on the Chickahominy 
side were upon him. At Golding's farm two miles 
north of Fair Oaks, W. F. Smith's brigades, of 
Franklin's Sixth Corps, were stationed. The Confed- 
erates could cannonade them from Gaines' Mill bat- 
tle ground. Gen. D. R. Jones' Confederate Division 
crossed the river and the Seventh and Eighth Georgia 
regiments charged on the Thirty-third New York of 
Davidson's and the Forty-ninth Pennsylvania of 
Hancock's Brigade, which were on picket line, and 
the Georgians got badly licked. They lost over 
100 killed and wounded and Colonel Lamar, Lieut- 
Colonel Tower, and 50 officers and men were taken 
prisoners. The Minnesotians heard the sound of 
this fight and knew the Confederates would give 
them trouble shortly. 



144 



CHAPTER XVII. 

ALLEN'S FARM, OR THE PEACH ORCHARD. 

VERY early on that Sunday morning, General 
Sumner began the lead of his Corps eastward 
from and near Fair Oaks, on a parallel road with 
the York River road, in the direction of Savage's 
Station. At Allen's Farm, some two miles east of 
Fair Oaks, the Corps halted and made a temporary 
bivouac. There was trouble in the rear. The Con- 
federates were following closely. 

General Magruder had run out of his works in 
front of Richmond the moment he heard the Federal 
troops were retreating. He had five brigades under 
Generals Robert Toombs, Howell Cobb, J. B. Kershaw, 
Paul Semmes and Richard Griffith, and several bat- 
teries. He also had what was called a ''railroad 
battery," which was a 32-pound rifled cannon with 
a sloping iron shield in front and mounted on a flat 
car which was moved by a locomotive over the York 
River road out from Richmond. This gun was in 
charge of a Lieutenant Barry, and made to do good 
service. 

Coming up with Burns' Brigade, which was the 
rear guard, at Allen's Farm, Magruder at once at- 
tacked, with Griffith's and Kershaw's Brigades in 
front and the railroad battery well advanced. The 
little fighting done was in a peach orchard on the 
Allen farm, which comprised a part of the Fair 
Oaks battlefield. General Griffith was killed and per- 
haps 20 more Confederates. 

Tompkins' (Battery A, First Rhode Island) 
marched with the brigade from Fair Oaks to Allen's 
Farm, or the Peach Orchard, and went into position 

145 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

to the right of the Nineteenth Massachusetts, of 
Dana's Brigade. The First Minnesota supported this 
, Battery during the principal part of the action until 
the battery itself was divided. 

On the Union side, the fighting at the Peach 
Orchard was done principally by the batteries and 
Burns' Brigade, of Sedgwick's Division. The Seven- 
ty-First Pennsylvania (the "California Eegiment") 
did the greater part of the infantry fighting. General 
Sumner was on the field and had charge of the Union 
side of it. He delayed Magruder's advance for 
about three hours. 

At this time General Gorman had been stricken 
with malarial fever and Colonel Sully was command- 
ing his brigade. Lieut-Col. Stephen Miller had com- 
I mand of the First Minnesota. The Fifteenth Massa- 
chusetts had been sent forward to Savage's Station, 
with Meagher's Brigade of Eichardson's Division, to 
destroy the immense stocks of stores which had to 
be abandoned. The remainder of the Corps soon 
followed. 

The amount of stores which McClellan was forced 
to destroy at Savage's Station was something enor- 
mous. They were largely ordnance stores, but there 
were all kinds. Some trains M^ere loaded with 
ordnance and then exploded; others were loaded, set 
on fire, and run eastward to Bottom Bridge, where 
they plunged, locomotive, cars and all into the 
Chiekahominy. 

The fighting at the Peach Orchard (or Allen's 
Farm) was not very serious on the Union side. In 
two hours General Sumner was on his way to Sav- 
age's Station and Magruder was closing up his ranks 
to follow. 



146 



CHAPTEE XVIII. 

THE BATTLE OF SAVAGE'S STATION. 

IT will be understood that at noon on that Sunday, 
June 29, all the Union Corps were retreating 
southward toward McClellan's new base. Porter's 
and Keyes' were across AVhite Oak Swamp and well 
on their way. Sumner's, Franklin's and Heintzel- 
man's Avere marching toward the Swamp. 

Sumner's Second Corps, with the First Minnesota, 
arrived at Savage's Station at about 2 P. M. The 
situation topographically cannot well be described 
without a map. On the north side of the railroad 
there was a cleared field full of hospital tents, laid 
out in rows, each tent containing 15 to 20 men on 
comfortable, clean cots, with the necessary surgeons 
and attendants. 

South of the railroad and between it and the 
Williamsburg stage road was another clearing. East 
of this clearing was a ravine running obliquely across 
the railroad, its edges skirted by trees, and the ravine 
itself filled with undergrowth. This latter clearing 
was nearly square and nearly half mile in length and 
breadth. In front of the brushy ravine were some 
small hills which made fine shelter for the troops. 
"West of the clearing was more timber, and here Sum- 
ner and Franklin thought (for some time) that Heint- 
zelman was lying with his corps. On the left or 
south of the Williamsburg road was timber also, and 
here was Gen. "Baldy" Smith' of Franklin's Corps 
in position; General Franklin's other Division, Gen- 
eral Slocum's, M^as across White Oak Swamp. 

Sumner's Corps took position in the clearing be- 
tween the Williamsburg road and the railroad. Burns' 

147 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Brigade, of Sedgwick's was in front, Sully's and 
Dana's behind it. Eiehardson's three brigades were 
farther to the rear but more to the right. ■ Pettit's, 
Hazzard's and Osborn's batteries were posted 
toAvards the left, near the front of the brushy ravine. 
(War Recs.) 

It rained a little at intervals, but generally the 
day was hot and sultry and wore away slowly but 
excitedly as the men waited either to be attacked by 
Magruder's forces during the day, or when night 
came to start for the White Oak Bridge. 

About 4:30 Magruder's advance appeared in front 
of the Union pickets at Savage's Station. It pushed 
Kemper's Alexandria (Va.) Battery well forward 
and opened on the Union position suddenly and 
savagely. The artillery car halted in a cut of the 
railroad a little distance from the station and began 
to shell Sumner's Corps in the clearing. General 
Franklin relates (Batts. and Leads, p. 373.) that he 
and Greneral Sedgwick were looking for General 
Heintzelman when the Confederate guns opened on 
them so startlingly that they had great difficulty in 
riding away with the dignity and deliberation due 
to brigadiers ! The infantry soon were in support of 
the artillery. 

The Confederate force was commanded by General 
Magruder and Gen. Lafayette McLaws in person. It 
consisted of five brigades. Those that did the fight- 
ing were Kershaw's, Semmes' and the Seventeenth 
and Twenty-first Mississippi of Barksdale's (formerly 
Griffith's); the artillery consisted of Capt. Del. Kem- 
per's, Alexandria Battery, of Kershaw's Brigade; 
Moody's Louisiana of Toombs' Brigade, and Brown's 
Wise (Va.) Artillery, and Hart's Washington (S. C.) 
Artillery of Colonel Anderson's Brigade. Toombs,' 
Cobb's, and Anderson's infantry were in line north of 

148 



THE BATTLE OF SAVAGE'S STATION 

the railroad but took no part in the battle. 

The Union troops engaged were Sedgwick's three 
brigades — Sully's, Burns', a part of Dana's — and 
Brooks' Vermont brigade of "W. F. Smith's Division 
of the Sixth Corps. Yet nearly all the fighting was 
done by Sully's and Burns' Brigades and the three 
batteries, so that it was a fair fight, with the actual 
contending forces about equal. 

General Sumner had been up nearly all the night 
before and had been very busy during that Sunday 
morning. About 3:30 P. M. he lay down for a little 
rest at the Station and was soon sound asleep. He 
was "dead to the world" when the firing began and 
General Franklin so found him and awakened him. 
The old warrior, accustomed to all sorts of surprises 
and always ready for any emergency, sprang to his 
feet, called for his horse, and in less than five minutes 
was galloping to the firing line. 

Kershaw's South Carolinians were advancing and 
peppering away at the Union skirmishers. General 
Sumner rode into Burns' Brigade and quickly sent 
two of its regiments forward nearly half a mile to 
hold the woods between the AVilliamsburg road and 
the railroad. Kershaw's men were advancing through 
these woods. General Burns saw that his two regi- 
ments were in danger of being flanked and he called 
for his other tv/o regiments to protect his left. 

The First Minnesota was in front of them. ''Take 
the Minnesota men up first and let the Pennsylvania 
regiments follow," ordered Sumner.* Colonel Miller 
took the regiment into the fight. It arrived in good 
time, before the enemy attacked him formidably, 

*"The First Minnesota, of Gorman's Brigade, being 
most handy, was first sent, my two reserve regiments fol- 
lowing." — General Burns in Battles and Leaders, Vol 2, 
p. 374. 

149 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

says General Burns. It was thrown into the woods 
across the Williamsburg road, with the left companies 
retired a little to protect the flank. 

General Burns saw that even with the Minne- 
sotians his line was not long enough to confront the 
enemy. So he hurried up his two reserve regiments. 

Before these regiments could get up, the firing 
began, Kershaw's infantry opening in good style. 
The Confederate batteries had been at work playing 
with shot and shell on the field as the troops crossed 
it. The First Minnesota men kept well in line, 
loaded and fired rapidly, and did good execution. No 
thought of giving way now. Semmes' Brigade had 
been at work on the extreme left of the Union line, 
where Brooks' Vermonter's were, but it was now 
moved up to help Kershaw's. 

During the Seven Days' Battles fully one-third of 
the Confederates were armed with smooth-bore mus- 
kets which fired a cartridge composed of a round 
ball and three buctehot, a most effective weapon at 
short range. Nearly all the rifled muskets they had 
were Enfields, imported from England, and Union 
I Springfields, picked up on battlefields. 

There were two weak points in General Burns' 
position, the center and the Williamsburg road. Two 
more regiments were needed to fill these gaps and 
they were sent for. Before they could come Kershaw 
charged the center with the Second, Third and 
Seventh South Carolina. They shot General Burns' 
in the face with a minie ball, killed Captain McGon- 
igle, of Baxter's Seventy-second Pennsylvania, forced 
through to the fence surrounding the cleared fields, 
and waved their flags across the rail panels. But 
neither Burns' regiments nor the First Minnesota 
offered to run, though their line was cut in two, but 
ikept on fighting. The "First" was under heavy fire 

150 



THE BATTLE OF SAVAGE'S STATION 

and lost many men in killed and wounded. 

General Sumner : Here he comes to the rescue : He 
is a second Blucher, the old "Marshall Forwarts," 
who at 71, in 1813, led the charge of the Prussian 
cavalry that defeated Macdonald with the French 
chasseurs at the Katzbach. "When Burns sent the 
third time for help, the old hero seized the first two 
regiments he saw, and they happened to be Colonel 
Baker's Eighty-eighth New York, of Meagher's Bri- 
gade, and the Fifth New Hampshire, of Caldwell's. 
These he led forward in person, waving his hat as 
a flag, his good gray head held proudly, his eyes full 
of battle light, his gray hair and beard blowing 
backward in the wind.* How those Irish in the 
Eighty-eighth New York did yell! Arriving at the 
firing line, the two fresh regiments, by General 
Sumner's shouted order, charged into the woods and 
speedily drove back the picked troops of the Palm- 
etto State, the chivalry of Charleston, the very first 
troops of the state to volunteer. At the same time 
Kemper's battery went back with a rush. 

Then here came the remaining regiments of Sully's 
Brigade. The Fifteenth Massachusetts relieved the 
One Hundred and Sixth Pennsylvania and the Twen- 
tieth Massachusetts replaced Baxter's Seventy-second. 
Colonel Hudson's Eighty-second New York was the 
first to arrive, and it was sent to fill the gap in the 
line. But it wouldn't stay behind, and rushed on 
with its comrade regiments as long as it could see a 
"Johnny" with a gun in his hand. 

The Sixty-ninth Pennsylvania was sent to the left 
of the First Minnesota, though it was all over now 
but the shouting and a great deal of that was being 
done. Semmes' Brigade seemed to want a share of 

*See Franklin's article, Battles and Leaders, Vol 2, 
p. 373. 

151 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

what Kershaw's was receiving so it came up in front 
of the First Minnesota and the Sixty-ninth Pennsyl- 
vania and got it. Then it went off after Kershaw's 
Brigade. 



152 



CHAPTER XIX. 

THE RETREAT ACROSS WHITE OAK SWAMP. 

HALF an hour after the fight was over at Savage's 
Station, and darkness had settled down thick and 
black over the scene, General Sumner having received 
no order to the contrary, wished to remain and 
further test the strength of the enemy without — or 
before — crossing White Oak Swamp in further re- 
treat, but General Franklin, under General McClel- 
lan's order, moved on to close up on the retiring 
Union Army and this compelled General Sumner to 
do likewise. 

The Compte de Paris, in his History says: ''It 
required a positive order from General MeClellan to 
determine Sumner to cross the White Oak Swamp." 
General Walker, in his "History of the Second Army 
Corps," p. 70, says: "The approach of night on the 
29th found Sumner victorious and happy, Magruder 
having been completely repulsed and driven off the 
ground. The old general was well content with his 
position and would have been willing to stay there 
a week. His blood was up, and of his own motion 
he was little likely to take a backward step." 

The First Minnesota never forgot that night march 
across White Oak Swamp. 

After crossing the swamp at White Oak Bridge, 
the regiment marched about two miles and halted. 
The night march was attended with casualties. 
Stragglers ! For some unaccountable reason many 
of the Union soldiers fell out of ranks in the dark- 
ness and cast themselves down by the roadsides, 
where they were picked up the next morning by the 
pursuing Confederates. Gen. Dan Hill says his divi- 

153 



THE FIRST IMINNESOTA 

sion picked up 1,000 of these stragglers and they had 
to spend long terms in Confederate prisons. On the 
muster rolls these fellows were reported as "missing 
in action at Savage's Station," along with their 
faithful comrades who were really captured against 
their will. 

Stonewall Jackson came up to AVhite Oak Bridge 
about 11 o'clock and essayed to cross it to the south 
side, where the divisions of "Baldy" Smith and 
Sedgwick with General Franklin in command barred 
the way. 

The situation now was this : Jackson, Ewell and 
Dan Hill were following directly after McClellan's 
retreating army. Longstreet and A. P. Hill — and 
with them General Lee — were coming down the Union 
right flank over the Charles City road; they had 
come to the west of the White Oak Swamp, and had 
not been troubled by crossing that great morass, hav- 
ing kept it to their left flank all the way down. They 
were straining every nerve to cut in two McClellan's 
retreating line — which was now the Quaker road — 
and capture the rear half, Sumner's and Franklin's 
Corps and part of Heintzelman's. To this end they 
strove to throw themselves across the Quaker road 
at a locality called Glendale and intercept the three 
Corps named, while Jackson and Hill should come up 
in the rear and help effect their capture and destruc- 
tion. The First Minnesota did its full share in pre- 
venting this casualty. 

Jackson came up to the north end of White Oak 
Bridge and sent Munford with the cavalry to see if 
the swamp could be crossed elsewhere. The jaded 
Union troops had been massed on the ground beyond 
the SM^amp without any attempt at concealment or 
to form them in order. All, fairly numb with fatigue, 

154 



THE RETREAT ACROSS WHITE OAK SWAMP 

had thrown themselves on the ground and had fallen 
soundly asleep. 

Suddenly 31 pieces of cannon opened on them from 
the Confederate side of the Swamp. For awhile 
there was a scene of dire confusion, enlivened, how- 
ever by some ridiculous and laughable incidents, re- 
sulting from the big scare. The fighting at White 
Oak Swamp was almost altogether by the artillery. 
It was hot and heavy for half an hour, and was re- 
sumed at intervals during the day. 

Up the stream, perhaps two miles, from White 
Oak Bridge was Braekett's ford, where the Sw^amp 
was erossable sometimes, but was not in very good 
condition now. Munford's Virginia cavalry, hunt- 
ing for other crossings than the White Oak Bridge, 
came upon Braekett's Ford, which some of them 
crossed, though General Franklin says they ''retired 
much faster than they advanced." General Franklin 
at once saw the perilous condition at Braekett's Ford. 
Jackson might cross a part of his force there, join 
Long-street and Plill, and turn the Union right flank. 

So Franklin sent to General Sumner for re-inforce- 
ments and Sumner sent him Sully's and Dana's Bri- 
gades. General Sully was sick and stayed behind, 
but his brigade including the First Minnesota, was 
temporarily in charge of General Dana. When the 
two brigades got up to command Braekett's Ford, the 
Confederates made no further attempt to cross. 
Southern critics have scored Stonewall Jackson be- 
cause he didn't push across at all hazards. 

There was nothing for the First Minnesota to do 
at Braekett's but to keep in line and ready to spring 
to action in a moment. But this was enough. The 
Confederates with their field glasses could see the 
situation, and knew that if they attempted to cross 
the attempt would be a bloody failure. 

155 



CHAPTER XX. 

THE BATTLE OF iGLENDALE. 

WHILE General Jackson was trying to cross 
White Oak Swamp and General Franklin (the 
First Minnesota helping) was preventing him, there 
was "something doing" about two miles to the south- 
east, Longstreet and A. P. Hill had come up over the 
Charles City road, running southeast from Richmond 
to Charles City, where that road was crossed by the 
Quaker road running southward from Glendale, south- 
west of White Oak Bridge. The road from New 
Market northeast to Glendale also crossed here. The 
cross roads was on the farm of a Mr. Frayser, but 
just south of his farm, on the Quaker road, and near 
the Willis Southern Methodist church, was the farm 
of a Mr. Nelson. The battle fought here this day 
appears in history by at least five names — Glendale, 
Frayser 's Farm, Nelson's Farm, Charles City Cross 
Roads, and the Quaker Road; rarely it is called the 
"action near Willis's Church." 

The position at the cross roads was defended by 
the Union Divisions of McCall, of Porter's Corps, and 
Kearney's of Pleintzelman's. McCall was in the cen- 
ter and Kearney was at his right. Sumner's Corps 
at some distance to McCall's left and rear. Hooker's 
Division of Heintzelman was on Sumner's left. Mc- 
Call's Division (Pennsylvania Reserves) was formed 
at right angles, facing west, across the New Market 
road and parallel, or north and south, with the Quak- 
er road. This Division had to sustain the brunt of 
the attack, which was a very formidable and deter- 
mined one. 

Longstreet and Hill opened the attack at about 

156 



THE BATTLE OF GLENDALE 

3. P. ]\r., while Jackson was booming away trying to 
cross White Oak Swamp. Longstreet was on the 
right and Hill in reserve on the left. General Lee 
directed the battle, and Jeff Davis was also on the 
field during the fight. Each Division had six strong 
bridges with plenty of artillery. The fight lasted 
until after dark. The Union forces managed to hold 
the position, but it was a hard job. McCall's Division 
suffered severely. Its loss in killed and wounded, 
and even prisoners, was heavy. Cooper's Pennsyl- 
vania and Kandol's First U. S. Batteries were cap- 
tured; Gen. Geo. G. Meade was severely wounded. 
Just after dark General McCall ran into some Con- 
federates in a road in a fine wood. "AVhat troops 
are these?" asked the general. "General Field's," 
was the ans^ver. "General Field? I don't know 
him," returned the general. "Quite likely, mister; 
he don't belong to your side." In another moment 
General McCall was a prisoner. His staff tried to 
ride away, but were fired on and Captain Biddle, 
who was McCall's adjutant general, was killed. 

The result of the battle of Glendale, was favor- 
able to the Union army. Longstreet and Hill failed 
to cut it in two. Its rear guard was safe and could 
keep on retreating to the James River. True, it had 
lost two good batteries and hundreds of good men; 
but its regiments had fought bravely, even desper- 
ately and gloriously, and much honor was- theirs. 

The First Minnesota in the battle of Glendale was 
under fire and held a prominent position. The Regi- 
ment was always ready. Its year of service had 
seasoned and experienced it and it was most effective. 
Its two fights at Fair Oaks and Savage's Station had 
tried it in the fire and it had come forth tempered 
for work. 

About 5 o'clock in the afternoon, when the Regi- 

157 



THE FIRST BIINNESOTA 

ment, with Sully's and Dana's Brigades, was lying 
at Brackett's, keeping back Jackson and Dan Hill, 
things were going badly with the Union forces that 
were contending with Longstreet and A. P. Hill. 
General Sumner sent for Sully's and Dana's Brigades 
and directed that they march at quick time to the 
rescue. The march of a mile and a half was made 
in good time, a part of the way at the "double 
quick." 

Arriving on the field, Sully's Brigade was put on 
the extreme right of Sedgwick's Division, in the rear 
of the center of McCall and Kearney's line, and al- 
most directly behind Taylor's Brigade, of Franklin. 
The Confederate commands directly confronting were 
the brigades of Wilcox and Featherston. Heavy 
firing was in progress and the First Minnesota, ex- 
hausted by its long, hot running, lay down to recover 
breath and to avoid the swarms of bullets passing 
over the heads of the men. They could not return 
the fire, for their comrades of Taylor's Brigade were 
between them and the enemy. 

Finally the men were given a chance. A portion 
of McCall's line had been receiving the concentrated 
fire of Wilcox's Alabamians and Featherston 's Mis- 
sissippians and being nearly out of ammunition, was 
retiring. The men of Seymour's Pennsylvania Bri- 
gade were retreating in disorder and fast going to 
pieces. Colonel Sully, who had remained on the field 
all day, tried hard to rally them. Colonel Sully 
asked General Sumner: "What can I do, General?" 
Instantly the old general answered: "Do? There'll 
be plenty for you to do in a minute. Colonel. I've 
sent for your Brigade and it's coming on the double 
quick, and it is near here now. I want you to put 
it into that gap and drive back the rebels. Leave 
your First Minnesota in reserve in case it is needed." 

158 



THE BATTLE OF GLENDALE 

Then came the Minnesotians, the last in the line, 
and as soon as they had "recovered their wind," 
General Dana took charge of them and led them for- 
ward to fill np the gap, saying to General Sumner: 
"I will place my old regiment, General." As the 
men passed the old general he called out: "Boys, I 
may not see all of you again, but I know you will 
hold that line." (Lochren.) 

And they did hold it. Luckily it was not a very 
hard job. Wilcox's and Featherston's men were 
about "all in," and Kearney and Hooker made a 
flank attack upon Longstreet and made him pause 
and order A. P. Hill, with a reserve, to the rescue. 
Very soon the firing slackened on their part, and 
then the Minnesotians ceased, and darkness closed the 
conflict. General Longstreet, in "Battles and Lead- 
ers," p. 401: "The battle was continued until we 
encountered succor from the corps of Generals Sumner 
and Heintzelman. * * * Finally McCall's Division 
was driven ofiP, but fresh troops came in to their 
relief. * * * We did not occupy all the field until 
we advanced in pursuit the next day." 

Only a few men of the First Minnesota were 
wounded at Glendale. Among them was Capt. Wm. 
Colville, of the Red Wing Company. He was shot in 
the left breast, and the wound was severe; but he 
was such a Spartan that according to Lochren he 
gave no sign of being hurt. He quietly turned over 
the command of his company to his senior lieutenant, 
saying, "I am wounded," and left for the rear. Next 
morning he was heard from in the field hospital at 
Malvern Hill, whither he had walked, unaided, the 
evening before. 

In an important respect the battle of Glendale 
was a Union victory. Longstreet and Hill failed to 
cut the line of the retreating forces, to destroy their 

159 



u^ 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

trains, or to bring general confusion upon them. 
They captured two Union batteries, but their loss in 
killed and wounded was the equal of the Union loss. 
That night and early the next morning Sumner's and 
Heintzelman's Corps and Franklin's single Division 
(Smith's) of his Corps, and all the trains passed on 
unmolested and in due time reached Malvern Hill, 
but on the way the regiment was pounded by an 
enemy battery, wounding and rendering unmanage- 
able IMajor Morgan's horse. 

At Glendale, as the regiment was about to move 
forward in support of the Union line it was ordered 
to throw their knapsacks in a pile to relieve them 
on their double quick forward movement, and assured 
that a guard would protect them, but on returning no 
knapsacks were found. This was a most grievous 
loss. It was stated that they had been burned, but 
were probably looted by other troops or stragglers. 



160 



CHAPTER XXI. 

MALVERN HILL. 

WHEN General McClellan began his retreat from 
in front of Richmond, he directed General 
Couch, of Keyes' Corps, and Gen. Fitz John Porter, 
then just across the Chickahominy from Gaines' J^.Iill, 
to repair to the lower James and select a defensive 
point behind which the army could retire in safety 
to Harrison's Landing. The point selected was Mal- 
vern Hill. At nearly the same time General Lee con- 
cluded that McClellan needed Malvern Hill and had 
designs upon it, and the Confederate commander at 
once dispatched General Holmes with 6,000 men to 
seize and occupy the Hill in advance of the Union 
forces. 

The advance of General Porter's command did not 
reach Turkey Creek just below IMalvern Hill, until 
9 o'clock on the morning of the '30th. Porter was up 
in good time, bvit had not much to spare. 

At 11 o'clock General Holmes came up. He might 
have taken the Hill then, for only 1,500 Union troops 
were upon it ; but he hung around until 3 o 'clock, 
w^hen he attacked Warren's Brigade and the 11th 
U. S., in all 1,500 men, with 30 pieces of artillery. 
The latter were under Colonel Hunt, chief of artil- 
lery, who had not attempted to mask them but had 
placed them where General Holmes did not see them. 

General Porter was an accomplished engineer, and 
his selection of Malvern Hill as a defensive position 
has always been approved by both Union and Con- 
federate commanders. Porter now put upon and 
around the hill, at points where they would do the 
most good, the three Divisions of his own Corps. 

161 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

McCall's (now commanded by General Seymour), 
Morell's, and Sykes,' Hunt's 100 pieces of reserve 
artillery, including Tyler's Connecticut siege guns; 
and also Couch's Division, which was sent two miles 
below to Haxall's, on the James. At dark, however, 
Couch was sent back to Glendale, seven miles, to re- 
enforce the retiring troops under Sumner and Frank- 
lin. At 2 o'clock on the morning of July 1 Couch 
returned to ]\Ialvern Hill and later was given charge 
of the Union firing line. McCall's Division was in 
reserve in front of the Malvern House. 

Malvern Hill was named for the estate to which 
it belonged. The Malvern House (or simply Mal- 
vern) was a story-and-a-half dwelling erected in 
Colonial times. It was built of imported English 
brick of a dark but vivid red. A frame addition on 
the west end of the building was placed in about 
1820. The house is upon the crest of a hill facing 
south. North of the house for half a mile is the 
plateau called Malvern Hill. At the north end of this 
tableland the hill dips down into a meadow or flat 
land. On the crest of this latter hill and part way 
down its north side the Union batteries were placed. 
The infantry was partly behind them and partly 
between them. Back, just north of the Malvern 
House, were the ten big Connecticut siege guns. The 
Confederates assaulted the Union position at the north 
end, coming over the meadow, the wheat fields and 
the flat lands and trying to climb the hills where the 
batteries were. 

At the extreme left of the Union battery line, just 
west of the Quaker road, was the Crew House; direct- 
ly west from Crew's, just across the Quaker road, on 
the east side, was the West House. On the extreme 
right of the Union battery line was the house of J. 

162 



MALVERN HILL 

"W. Binford; half a mile south was the house of his 
brother. G. Binford. 

On the morning of July 1 came Sumner's two and 
Heintzelman's two Divisions and went into position 
in the rear of Porter's battle line. The line was be- 
ing formed as the First Minnesota came up to Turkey 
Creek. The position of Sully's Brigade and that of 
the Regiment was changed several times. At first it 
was well up to the front and near the center of the 
Union line, when the enemy was shelling the position 
— "feeling it," is the expression. This was about 10 
o'clock. The shells burst well over the Brigade and 
the fragments wounded a few of the men. At noon 
Sully's Brigade was moved to the rear and marched 
some distance to the right of the Malvern plateau, to 
the right-rear of the battle line and of Smith's Di- 
vision. The Minnesota station was in G. Binford 's 
oatfield and northeast of his house. 

The advance of the Confederate army came up on 
the Quaker or "Willis Church Road and also on the 
Richmond branch of the Long Bridge road at about 
9:30 o'clock. After reconnoitering the field, General 
Lee determined at once to attack. He had but little 
doubt of success. He felt that McClellan was badly 
demoralized and he thought his army was as badly 
off as its commander. So confident was he of suc- 
cess that he kept the greater part of Longstreet's 
and A. P. Hill's commands back on the Richmond 
road and they took little part in the fight.* 

The Confederates cannonaded the Union position 
for a time and late in the afternoon assaulted. The 
assault was bravely made by Stonewall Jackson's 
command, and by D. H. Hill's, Magruder's, and 

*"It was his belief in the demoralization of the 
Federal army that made our leader risk the attack." — 
D. H. Hill, in Battles and Leaders. 

163 



THE FIKST MINNESOTA 

Huger's Divisions. It was a horribly bloody failure. 
The Union artillery blew the assaulting lines to pieces 
at a distance and when they came closer the Union 
infantry shot the pieces to fragments. The Confeder- 
ates estimated their loss at fully 6,000. General Long- 
street writes: "We were repulsed at all points with 
fearful slaughter, losing 6,000 men and accomplish- 
ing nothing." (Battles and Leaders.) 

The Union loss was never definitely ascertained. 
From partial reports it was estimated to be about 
1,500 in killed, wounded, and missing. General Lee 
made the mistake that he repeated at Gettysburg, 
and that Burnside made at Fredericksburg, in at- 
tacking a naturally difficult position which is amply 
and well defended. 

The victory was Fitz John Porter's. He placed 
his men and guns and commanded generally in the 
fight; his lieutenant. General Couch, took charge of 
the firing line. He rode among the men who were 
lying in reserve behind the front lines and were 
getting killed and wounded without being able to 
fire a shot, and he encouraged them to hold on a 
little longer. He even rode among the batteries 
when they were working. Bullets passed through 
his clothes but he was unhit. Before the fight began 
Sumner conferred with him and just as it com- 
menced brought up Caldwell's Brigade, saying to 
Porter: "You may need it; and there are more 
where it came from." 

Later in the fight, when it seemed that his extreme 
left under ]\Iorell, near the Crew house, would be 
driven back. Porter asked Sumner for another bri- 
gade, and was sent Meagher's Irish, who went up at 
a double quick. 

General Porter placed himself at the head of 

164 



MALVERN HILL 

Meagher's Brigade and led it rapidly to the Crew 
house. 

Finding that Griffin and Butterfield had at last 
cheeked the enemy, General Porter took the Irish 
Brigade and charged into the Confederate lines. Be- 
fore starting he tore up his diary and dispatch book, 
lest he and they be captured — and this hasty action 
he long lamented. Fifty yards away the Brigade 
halted and received a terrific volley. It returned one 
of equal destructiveness. In a few minutes the Sixty- 
ninth and the Eighty-eighth New York charged 
again, broke up Semmes' Brigade, captured Lieut. - 
Colonel Waggaman, of the Tenth Louisiana, and a lot 
of his men, and drove the rest of the Brigade clear 
away. JMeagher then held his position till midnight. 

The Confederates were wont to attribute the suc- 
cess of the Union defense at Malvern Hill to the co- 
operation of the gunboats in the James river, only 
two miles away. The truth is the gunboats did more 
harm to the Union side than good. At the crisis of 
affairs on the Union left, when Meagher and Sickles 
were sent for, the gunboats — with the good intent of 
aiding General Porter, no doubt — opened fire on 
Malvern Hill. But their shot all landed among or 
close to Tyler's big guns near the Malvern House, 
killing and wounding some of Tyler's men. Probably 
the guns of the boats could not throw their projec- 
tiles farther, or the gunners may have thought Tyler's 
guns were the enemy's. At any rate the signal men 
dispatched the boats: "For God's sake stop firing," 
or there is no telling the damage they would have 
done. The large projectiles, Vv^hich the Confederates 
called ''lamp posts," and of which they complained, 
must have been thrown by Colonel Tyler's heavy 
guns. 

General Porter was ordered to withdraw his own 

1165 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Corps and tell Sumner and Heintzelman to withdraw 
theirs, and to direct Couch to retire his Division and 
all move south to Harrison's Landing. 

Harrison's Landing was only eight miles from 
Malvern and the Confederates had retired some miles 
to the northward ; they were astonished when the 
scouts of Stuart's Cavalry brought word that the 
Federals had run away. The Confederates came 
back to the battlefield, gathered up prisoners, arms, 
and other spoil, and Lee followed MeClellan to within 
sight of his new position. 

All during the lightnings and thunders of that 
fearful death storm at Malvern Hill the First Minne- 
sota lay in Binford's oatfield. Though the men were 
out of danger, they were nervous and excited and 
expected every minute to be called into the fight. 
They were ready and willing to go, and fully expect- 
ed to be called upon. They were doing their duty 
faithfully, for "they also serve who only stand and 
wait." 

Toward morning the Regiment was withdrawn 
and with the rest of Sedgwick's Division ascended to 
the Malvern plateau. Nobody there. Nobody any- 
where on the field but the dead and wounded and 
their attendants. The rest had gone on to Harrison's 
Landing. The First Minnesota followed. It descend- 
ed Malvern Hill down its steep face to the low 
ground along the James river. Then it set out to 
the southward over an indescribable roadway. Na- 
turally it was a good road, but drenching rain had 
been falling since midnight and the preceding passage 
of so many, artillery, and wagons had reduced it to 
a great river of mud paste through which the men 
plunged and wallowed all the way to Harrison's 
Landing, the new base. 



166 



CHAPTER XXII. 

AT HARRISON'S LANDING. 

DURING the night of Jiily 1 and on July 2 a 
copions rain fell throughout the lower James 
region, and when the columns arrived at Harrison's 
Landing all the ground was well soaked. Sedgwick's 
Division encamped in a wheat field in which the 
wheat was yet standing. This field was near the old 
mansion house called Berkeley, (local pronunciation 
Barkly) the historic home of the Harrison familj'. 
The house was built by Benjamin Harrison, a signer 
of the Declaration of Independence, and here was 
born his son AVilliam Henry Harrison, afterwards 
President and grandfather of Benjamin Harrison, 
who also became President. The boat landing was 
named for Benj. Harrison, the first of the name. 
General McClellan established his headquarters in 
Berkeley, a great and ample two-story brick, then 
more than a hundred years old. Harrison's Landing 
was, in a direct line, about twenty miles southeast 
of Richmond; by the w^agon roads it was farther. 

The growing wheat was soon trampled into the 
soil, or cut and used as bedding to keep the men 
from the Avet ground. Neither wood nor boards were 
to be had, and the men were very uncomfortable and 
many became diseased. One thing lightened the 
gloom. The men had been without food for 24 hours 
and the transports in the James landed plenty of 
good rations which were speedily issued. 

The rain continued all night and the flimsy wheat 
straw floors were soon fairly afloat in pools of water. 
The soil Avas so soft that it Avould not hold the tent 
pins, and in the morning many of the tents were 

167 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

down, exposing the men to the pelting rain when 
already their beds were half sunk in the mud. At 
about 8 o'clock while some of the men were yet 
asleep, and others went growling and grumbling 
about, attempting to get some sort of a breakfast, 
the whole camp was startled by a sudden outburst 
of artillery fire, and shells came whistling over some 
of the Divisions. Jeb Stuart, the bold rebel raider, 
had slipped up and planted a howitzer of his battery 
(Pelham's) near Westover Church across Herring 
Creek, which flowed north of Harrison's Landing 
The howitzer banged away till 2 o'clock, when it had 
exhausted its ammunition and a Union battery was 
in position to knock it out. Stuart retired, taking 
with him 30 mules and 134 prisoners, stragglers, 
which were coming towards camp from the rear. 
(McClellan's Stuart's Campaigns, p. 83.) 

The army of the Potomac spent five rather un- 
eventful weeks at Harrison's Landing, from the 2nd 
of July forward. The Fourth of July w^as celebrated 
by a parade and review of the army, and General 
McClellan thanked the soldiers for their gallant and 
good conduct throughout the campaign which had 
just closed. 

On the 8th President Lincoln visited the army at 
Harrison's Landing and spent some time in examining 
the situation for himself and in conference with Mc- 
Clellan. On the 9th he, wdth Generals McClellan, 
Sumner, Sedgwick, and others, rode along the lines 
reviewing the troops. 

On the 22d Sumner's Corps was formally reviewed 
by General McClellan, and the regiments in line care- 
fully inspected. The next day General Sumner, in 
orders, complimented the First Minnesota and the 
Nineteenth Massachusetts, of Dana's Brigade, as the 
two model regiments of the Corps. 

168 



AT HARRISON'S LANDING 

On the 28th General Lee sent Gen. Dan H. Hill 
down the west side of the James to reconnoiter 
General JMcClellan's position at Harrison's Landing, 
across the river. As a result of his reconnaissance, 
General Hill put French's Confederate Division, with 
41 pieces of artillery, in position at Coggins' Point, 
opposite Harrison's, and at midnight on the 31st all 
these cannon opened on the Union shipping and Mc- 
Clellan's camp. In the darkness the cannonading 
awakened everybody and caused a lot of ridiculous 
fright and consternation to the soldiers among whom 
the shells fell. A few were wounded, still fewer 
killed, and' some horses were killed. The shipping 
was not much hurt. The gunboats returned the fire 
and soon drove the Confederates away. General 
French reported one man killed and three men 
wounded. The next morning General McClellan sent 
a force across the river, occupied and fortified Cog- 
gins' Point, which he ought to have done weeks 
before, and thereafter was not troubled from that 
quarter. 

From August 2 to the 8th reconnaissances were 
made by Hooker's Division, of the Third Corps, 
Sedgwick's, of the Second, and other commands to 
and beyond Malvern Hill. Emory's Cavalry went 
back to the "White Oak Swamp and skirmished with 
"Wade Hampton's troopers. 

Monday, Aug. 5, Sedgwick's Division, including 
the First Minnesota, and Hooker's, Kearney's, and 
Birney's Divisions, with Emory's Cavalry, went up 
on a big reconnaissance. The next morning they 
were on Malvern Hill battle ground, and Lee sent 
down Longstreets, ' McLaw's, Ripley's, and D. R. 
Jones' Divisions and Hampton's Cavalry to meet 
them. General Lee at first thought McClellan was 
advancing on Richmond, but McClellan said he was 

169 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

only trying to ascertain whether or not the Con- 
federates had left Richmond and gone north against 
Pope's new army. There was some skirmishing with 
very slight damage to either side; unfortunately the 
Confederates captured a few prisoners who informed 
Lee what Union divisions were present. Baker's 
First North Carolina Cavalry and Young's Georgia 
Legion skirmished on ]\Ialvern Hill, but the important 
work was done with artillery. McClellan said he 
was satisfied that Richmond was "not evacuated." 
Lochren gives this account : 

On August 4, our Division and some other 
infantry, with cavalry and artillerj^ moved 
by a circuitous route to the rear of JMalvern 
Hill and advanced to that field the next day 
over the same road as when coming from 
Glendale. The rebels, after brief resistance, 
were driven from the field and we bivou- 
acked on that part of the battle-field where 
the severest fighting between Porter's and 
IMagruder's forces had taken place. The pits 
where the dead had been buried in piles had 
sunk and bones were protruding. We now 
hoped that this movement was the beginning 
of a new advance on Richmond. 

On the 11th of July Gen. Henry W. Halleck, then 
at Corinth, Miss., was placed in chief command of 
the armies of the United States and on the 23d, at 
"Washington, assumed his authority. On the 25th 
General Halleck too came to liarrison's Landing, saw 
the situation, talked with McClellan, and returned to 
Washington, "fully convinced," he said, that the 
Army of the Potomac had not done, and under 
General McClellan would not do, any good in front 
of Richmond, and that it should be brought away 
and its command given to another general. 

Sickness broke out among the soldiers soon after 

170 



AT HARRISON'S LANDING 

their arrival at Harrison's Landing. The malaria of 
the Chickahorainy swamps and the region about 
Richmond, and the malaria and miasma of the lower 
James, the midsummer heat, and the natural un- 
healthiness of army life, prostrated thousands. Ac- 
cording to the report of Medical Director Letterman, 
(War Recs., Vol. 11, part 1, pp. 210-220) about 6,000 
sick were sent away soon after the army reached 
Harrison's Landing, leaving 12,795 other sick in 
camp. July 30 there Avere 12,000 on the sick list, but 
of these 2,000 could do light duty in a few days and 
might be returned to their regiments. 

It was at Harrison's Landing that the ambulances 
of the army were vvathdrawn from the direct but 
irregular oversight of the medical corps of the army, 
and organized into an Ambulance Corps, under 
officers assigned to that service. On the separate 
organization of this service Second Lieutenant Searles 
of Co. H was assigned to command the Ambulance 
Corps of the First Brigade, Second Divison, Second 
Army Corps.* 

*This officer was employed in so many different posi- 
tions — both with and detached from the regiment — that 
it will be well to note them here. 

On being appointed Second Lrieutenant at Camp Stone, 
Jan. 10, 1862, he was appointed Acting Quartermaster of 
the regiment when it broke camp to accompany General 
Banks up the Shenandoah in the spring of 1882, and 
continued in that position until just before the battle of 
Fair Oaks, when he rejoined his company and there re- 
mained through the battles of Fair Oaks, Peach Orchard, 
Savage's Station, White Oak Swamp, Glendale and Mal- 
vern Hill. 

At Harrison's Landing he was assigned, as already 
stated, to command the Ambulance Corps of the brigade 
and continued in that position until July 8, 1863, when 
he was commissioned First Lieutenant of Company K 
and assigned to command the Ambulance Corps of the 
Second Division, Second Army Corps. 

He remained in that position until the regiment was 
sent to New York City during the riots, when he a.cted 
as adjutant of the regiment until the regiment rejoined 

171 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

This branch of the service comprised two anibiil- 
ances for each regiment. These vehicles were spring 
wagons for two liorses, liaving -wide upholstered 
benches on each side of the box, with steps at the 
rear to get into them. 

Each regiinciil detailed its quota of men to handle 
them — a driver and two iiu-ii to handle a stretcher. 
These stretcher men were required to go on the 
battle field during an engagement and bring off the 
wounded and put them in the ambulances, which were 
then driven to the Held hos[)ital where the wounded 
were left to the care of surgeons. 

On the march the ambulances furnished transport- 
ation for the sick and such men as the regimental 
surgeons gave permits for riding. 

The men carried no arms, but were under fire in 
picking up the wounded. Their anibidance train on 
the nuirch took position in I'mc immediately follow- 
ing the troops. 

Its formor l)riij;aclo in the Army of the Potomac, and 
afterwards until after Brlstow Station ensa.wment. On 
Oct. 7, 18G;>, he was commissioned Captain of Company C 
and assigned to command the Ambulance Corps of the 
Second Army Corps and continued in that position until 
he rejoined the regiment as It was ordered home to be 
mustered out. In these various positions he was in all 
the battles and campaigns in which the regiment was 
engaged, although mostly on detached service. 



17 



CTFAl^TF.R XXTTT. 

THE AltMY LEAVES HARRISON'S liANDINO. 

ON THI<: 'M of Aiifjfust (ilcucnil IIulhHfk tclcKnipluMl 
(iciici'jil I\l('(!l('ll;iii : "II, is (Ictcniiiiicd lo willi- 
draw your {iriiiy rioiii the IN'iiinsiila lo Acciuiji (h'Ci^k. 
You will take iniiiicdialc iiiciisurcs lo olT(u;t lliis, 
coveriu}? Ilic movciiiciil, I he best you can." 

Slrikitiji,' across the t'ountry, ihc iiriiiy }j:(»I into 
llic Willifiiiishucfjf roiul, the?! piisscd down ovci* 
iroint/cliiiairs and Kc^ycs route of llifcc iiionllis be- 
fore lo old liisloric Williamsburg'. h'roiii Williams- 
burg; il, went back to Yorktovvu, and I'l'om Yoi'ktowu 
to Newport News and Fortress Monroe. TFcn'e ships 
were taken Tor Ae(|uia, Creek and Alexarulria. Tlic 
Fifth and Third Corps end)arked August 20 and 21; 
th(^ Sixth tlirec days later-, and the Second (llie P"'ii-st 
Minnesota's (!()r|)s) and the l*\»urth (except INick's 
Division) 7\nfj;iist 2(1. 

As fast as tlu^ tirst two (.orps of the Army of the 
Totomae rejiched Alexandria they were pushed out 
to (ilenei-al Pope; and placed ntid(M' his command. 
Reynold's Division, of MeC-all's, joined him at Rappa- 
hannock Station as early as Aufz,usl; 2'], and TTeintzel- 
irian's Third and h'itz; violin I'ortc^r's l^'iflh were* at 
Warrenton dnnetion on the 2()th and 27th. Mc- 
Clellan hirns(!lf was nftnined at Washington with no 
other duties than to dispatch his troops to Pope. 

Sumner's Second arxl l^'raid<lin 's Sixth Corps ar- 
rived at Alexandria, on the 27th and 28th. ScuIr- 
wiek's Division of the Second, with the First Minne- 
sota, arrived on the morning of the 28th and marched 
ont about three nnles in the direction of Fairfax 
Court House. Fraid<liTi's Corps was soon np. 

173 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

VIENNA AND FLINT HIDL. 

ONDAY, September 1, when Pope's army was 
retreating from Centerville to Washington, 
Sumner's Corps was placed in the rear to cover the 
retreat. The First Minnesota was the extreme rear 
guard of that division of the retreating force which 
was retiring to Washington by way of Vienna. Now, 
Vienna is 15 miles west of Washington, six miles 
north of Fairfax Court House, and ten miles north- 
east of Centerville. It was not the nearest road to 
Washington but was followed to protect the left 
flank of the Union army. 

The First Minnesota followed the army after dark 
and through the thick, sticky mud. The march was 
made through the night, and so slow was the prog- 
ress that at daylight the command had proceeded but 
about four miles and was near Chantilly. 

The regiment spent Tuesday, Sept. 2, with other 
troops, in camp near Chantilly. A cold rain had 
fallen the previous Sunday, while the battle was in 
progress and the roads were simply terrible. But all 
the same the main part of the army marched away 
for Washington and with it went such of the First 
Minnesota as were unable for duty. Lochren says 
the regiment was now reduced to 300 men. Two 
pieces of Tompkins' Battery, A, First Rhode Island, 
constituted the artillery of the rear guard. 

St^^art's cavalry was hovering about the position 
and riding over the country generally. Detachments 
of these troopers, from Hampton's Brigade, swarmed 
about the position, firing at long range. Near sun- 
set Hampton drove in the Minnesota pickets. The 

174 



VIENNA AND FLINT HILL 

position was an exposed one, with nobody to defend 
it but the First Regiment and the two Rhode Island 
cannon. Colonel Sully retired the command some 
distance to the cover of a wood, where he took an- 
other position and threw out a strong line of skir- 
mishers. 

Hampton's cavalry followed and Avent into line in 
front of the wood. Pelham's Battery — the Stuart 
Horse Artillery — came into position and opened with 
grape and canister. Colonel Sully directed the Rhode 
Island Artillery section to retreat to a locality 
called Flint Hill, half a mile to the rear, and there 
take position in the road. Holding back the enemy 
until he thought the guns were in battery, the 
Colonel directed the men to break ranks and move 
as fast as they could until they reached them, and 
then re-form, with the guns as a center. 

This movement was executed with celerity and in 
silence. The guns were planted in the middle of the 
road, near the crest of Flint Hill, and the wings of 
the Regiment were on either side, thrown forward 
like the letter V, with the opening towards the 
enemy, so as to partly envelop the troopers when 
they came up. In a little time the Confederates ap- 
proached. Let Lochren complete the story : 

"Silently we waited, but not long, for the 
rebel cavalry and artillery, finding the road 
clear, hurried on in pursuit, not discovering 
us until the advance was nearly at the 
muzzles of the two guns. Sully's challenge, 
'Who comes there?' and the surprised re- 
sponse, 'Who the devil are you?' and a 
pistol shot from the rebel leader directed at 
Sully brought a volley of canister from the 
two pieces and musketry from the First Min- 
nesota, which must have done fearful execu- 
tion, judging from the cries, groans, curses, 

175 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

and commands, as those who were able 
dashed madly to the rear, hastened by a 
second volley from the guns and the Regi- 
ment, and during that night they troubled 
us no more." 

Having repulsed the Confederate pursuit, the 
Regiment resumed its march, and at this time it 
was a considerable distance behind the other troops. 
Near Vienna it met the Nineteenth Massachusetts, of 
Dana's Brigade, which had heard the firing at Flint 
Hill and was hastening back to help. Learning that 
the danger was over, it turned about, and the two 
regiments began again the march toward Washington. 

Having passed through the little village of Vienna 
— now (1912) a railroad station of 300 inhabitants — 
the two regiments were jogging along in the dark- 
ness, when suddenly there came a cavalry charge 
FRO]\I THE FRONT. It struck the Nineteenth 
Massachusetts first and that regiment sprang to the 
sides of the road, both receiving and returning shots. 
"When the troops struck the Minnesotians, the latter 
did as the Massachusetts men — fell away to the sides 
of the road. The charge was made by a detachment 
of New York Cavalry who thought the two Union 
regiments constituted a Confederate force. 

In these two affairs at Flint Hill and Vienna the 
casualties of the regiment were as follows, viz. : 
"Wm. B. "VVinchell, Company K, killed; mortally 
wounded, Lieut. Charles Ziernberg, Co. A, Edward 
C. Hoff, Company A, and John D. "Whittemore, Com- 
pany D, and wounded, Reuben M. Mayo, Company E, 
Andrew Bayer, Almeron Davis and Wm. Shadinger 
of Company F and Warren Warner of Company K. 

Hoff and Whittemore died of their wounds, thus 
making a total of four men killed or mortally 
wounded and five wounded. 

176 



VIENNA AND FLINT HILL 

No official report was ever made of the services 
of the First Minnesota in guarding the rear of Pope's 
retreating army, nor of the skirmish at Flint's Hill, 
nor of the affair with the New York Cavalry near 
Vienna. Neither Colonel Sully nor General Gorman 
ever put either of these incidents upon record. The 
only particular description of them, or either of them, 
by Union participants has been made many years 
afterward and based upon the treacherous memories 
of men after so long a lapse of time. On the Con- 
federate side. Gen. "Jeb" Stuart reported the Flint 
Hill affair, but not until in February, 1864. 

It seems quite probable that the command that 
made the blundering charge on the Massachusetts 
regiment and the First Minnesota was the Ninth 
NeAv York Cavalry, then commanded by Maj. Chas. 
]\IcLean Knox. This regiment was in the neighbor- 
hood, assisting in guarding the Union retreat. Major 
Knox reported (War Recs., Vol. 12, part 2, p. 275) 
that he had an affair with "the enemy" which 
occurred on the date and in the locality of an ''in- 
complete railroad," the Loudoun & Hampshire, when 
the night charge was made. Colonel Beardsley, of 
the Ninth, then commanding the cavalry brigade, cor- 
roborates jMajor Knox, (ibid p. 272) apparently, but 
not distinctly and clearly. He says that in the en- 
gagement "at midnight" in the "thick wood at the 
cross roads" north and east of Vienna, his cavalry 
had "several" killed and 20 wounded. 

The portion of "Jeb" Stuart's report (ibid p. 
744) relating to the skirmish at Flint Hill reads : 

"The next day, (Sept. 2) the enemy having 
retired, Fairfax Court House was occupied 
by Fitz Hugh Lee's Brigade, and I sent 
Hampton's Brigade to attack the enemy at 
Flint Hill. Getting several pieces of the 

177 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Stuart Horse Artillery in position, General 
Hampton opened on the enemy at that point, 
and our sharpshooters advancing about the 
same time, the enemy hastily retired after 
a brief engagement. They were immediately 
pursued and Captain Pelham, having chosen 
a new position, again opened upon them with 
telling effect, scattering them in every direc- 
tion. They were pursued by Hampton's Bri- 
gade, which took a few prisoners, but owing 
to the darkness, and the fact that the enemy 
had opened fire upon us with infantry and 
artillery from the woods, he considered it 
prudent to retire, which was done with the 
loss of only one man. This proved to be the 
rear guard of Sumner's column retreating 
toward Vienna, and I afterwards learned 
that they were thrown into considerable con- 
fusion by this attack of General Hampton." 

Capt. W. F. Russell's Company of the Second 
Minnesota Sharpshooters — known as Company L, 
First Minnesota — had been attached to the Regiment 
since Fair Oaks, and was present at Flint Hill. In 
the affair with the New York Cavalry, Captain Rus- 
sell reported that Lawrence "White, of the Sharp- 
shooters, was mortally wounded and "died later," 
and that Edward D. Rinhart had an eye shot out. 

The army was not in as bad a shape as General 
Pope and others thought. At least, it was soon re- 
organized, and its mornings returns showed on the 
5th of September an aggregate present for duty at 
"Washington of more than 100,000 men. 

The greater part of this army with McClellan in 
command was soon in pursuit of Lee. 

Sergt. Myron Shepard's recollection of the affair 
at Flint Hill and immediately prior thereto, is 
valuable as it is the authentic account of a reliable, 
competent observer and actual participant. He says : 

178 



VIENNA AND FLINT HILL 

"The regiment had 'fallen in' after a brief 
rest near the edge of an open field, and it 
was well known that we should cover the 
retreat. An order came for two volunteers 
for extra hazardous duty. Two Sergeants, 
"Wjn. M. May and Myron Shepard, stepped 
to the front. It w^as understood that they 
were to be sacrificed, and for a moment the 
question was asked by the officers: 'Why 
two SERGEANTS and both from Co. B?' 
"We were ordered to skirmish about 150 yards 
to the rear, one on each side of the road 
upon which the enemy was approaching. 
Our firing w^as to give notice to the regiment 
that the enemy was upon us. Each took his 
tree, and in a few minutes his cavalry and a 
battery appeared. Two well directed shots 
confused and halted them for a moment, 
while we took to the rear. A rebel battery 
on our right and cavalry on our left, and 
Sully's skirmishers on his rear made our 
escape doubtful. But we made it and found 
the regiment drawn up behind a sort of 
hedge and trees across the road. We were 
welcomed and congratulated by our com- 
rades who had thought us lost. The con- 
verging wing formation of the regiment and 
the volley into the pursuing rebels occurred 
later, after dark. I was near Sully and 
heard his challenge and order to fire dis- 
tinctly. Also v/as right there when that 
frantic cavalry blunder was made. It came 
from the front (not the rear) and we knew 
at once that 'some one had blundered'." 



179 



CHAPTER XXV. 

THE ANTIETAM CAMPAIGN. 

ON THE 2nd of September General Halleek ap- 
pointed General McClellan to the "command of 
all the fortifications of Washington and of all the 
troops for the defense of the Capital." The same 
day, according to General McClellan 's statement, 
(Own Story, p. 535) President Lincoln told McClellan 
that he considered Washington as lost and asked 
him, as a personal favor, to "renew command and do 
the best that could be done." McClellan says he at 
once accepted and "staked his life" that he would 
save the city.* 

McClellan was a fine organizer, and an organizer 
was badly needed then to put the stragglers, desert- 
ers, and skulkers lying around Washington into line 
and bring all of the distracted commands into fight- 
ing shape again. His great engineering capacity en- 
abled him to put Washington in a state of security, 
and restore confidence in the future, which Bull Run 
so greatly shattered. 

Such a large proportion of the Army of the 
Potomac had been sent away to Pope and put under 
his command that McClellan had been left with only 
two Corps, Sumner's and Franklin's, and these he 

*Nicolay «B; Hay, who were Lincoln's private secre- 
taries, say (Nic. & Hay's Lincoln, Vol. 6, p. 21) that 
"the restoration of McClellan to command was Mr. Lin- 
coln's own act; the majority of the cabinet were strongly 
opposed to it." The President's reasons, as recorded by 
John Hay, (ibid, p. 23) were: "There is no one in the 
army that can man these fortifications and lick these 
troops of ours into shape half as well as he can. If he 
can't fight himself, he excels in making others ready to 
fight." 

180 



THE ANTIETAM CAMPAIGN 

was ordered to send out to guard Pope's retreat. 
Placing him in command of the defense of Washing- 
ton was his only "restoration" to the leadership of 
his old army ever made record of. 

Thereafter he held command of the Army of the 
Potomac only as it were by the rule of adverse 
possession, but the rule was ample in its scope. 

His great victory over Pope had made General 
Lee very confident. He had learned to despise Pope. 
He thought he could pick his own ground for future 
operations, and he selected Maryland. It had long 
been the belief of the Confederate people that the 
Union authority over Maryland was a "despot's 
heel;" that the people were held in a military sub- 
jection which they were M^aiting to throw off; that 
they would rapturously welcome an invading Con- 
federate force and join it by thousands. 

General Lee honestly believed this nonsense and 
declared his belief in a widely distributed proclama- 
tion. (See Cooke's Life of Lee, p. 127; War Kecs., 
Vol. 19, part 2, p. 601.) He also knew that if he 
marched his army into Maryland the movement would 
threaten Washington and Baltimore and force the 
Union commanders to withdraw all their forces from 
the south bank of the Potomac to follow him; and 
eventually he would draw them up into Southern 
Pennsylvania and allow a force to come from South- 
ern and Western Virginia and work its will on 
Washington City. 

Between the 4th and 7th of September, General 
Lee crossed his army over the Potomac, chiefly by 
the fords near Leesburg, and on the latter date he 
sat down at Frederick and began spreading his 
proclamations telling the people that he had come 
to "restore their liberties," and this he would speed- 
ily do if they would exchange all kinds of army 

181 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

supplies for Confederate shinplasters and enlist their 
able-bodied men in his ranks. 

To the great and mortifying astonishment of 
General Lee and Jeff Davis and every other Con- 
federate that had been weeping over the "wrongs of 
down-trodden Maryland," the people of that State 
did not receive Lee's invaders with enthusiasm. They 
did not seem to have lost many "liberties," and they 
were apparently perfectly happy under the "yoke of 
the oppressor." They welcomed the Confederates 
with Union flags and marble hearts. Apparently the 
whole Frederick district was as loyal to the stars and 
stripes as old Vermont or "bleeding Kansas." 

The Confederates simply couldn't understand it. 
Then they levied freely on the barns, stables, smoke- 
houses, pig pens, mills, stores, and granaries of the 
people, cussed them for being condemned Yankees, 
and wanted to go back to "Ole Virginny," where 
they could get sympathy and love if not bread and 
meat. 

But, with all their foraging in Maryland, Lee's 
army started to leave the State a weary, ragged, 
hungry, and wretched crowd, since they had learned 
that thousands of Marylanders, including many 
wealthy slave-owners, were radical Union men and 
many of them in the Union army.* General Lee says 
his army, "lacked much of the material of war, was 
feeble in transportation, the troops poorly provided 
with clothing, and thousands of them destitute of 
shoes." 

On the 10th, realizing that IMcClellan was behind 
him with a large army. General Lee closed up his 
Maryland recruiting offices and moved from Frederick 

*Maryland furnished to the Union army 46,638 Union 
soldiers who served one year or more, and perhaps 20,000 
Confederates. 

182 



THE ANTIETA]\I CAMPAIGN 

to Hagerstown. Stonewall Jackson started for 
Harper's Ferry, and Longstreet and Dan Hill crossed 
the South ]\Iountain and moved towards Boones- 
borough. 

Whatever may have been his real military ability 
and capacity, General McClellan's re-appearance at 
the head of the army had a most beneficial effect 
npon it. Its morale immediately underwent an 
astonishing change for the better. His name had a 
magical effect upon the men, and every time he re- 
viewed them, or even showed himself among them, 
they cheered him wildly. When Lincoln said sternly 
to him, "You must find and hurt the enemy now," 
(Nic. & Hay) General McClellan was stirred to action 
as much by his confidence in his army as by his 
respect for the mandate of his chief. 

As soon as it became known that Lee had crossed 
the Potomac and gone into the fine field of Mary- 
land — • 

Fair as a garden of the Lord 
To -the eyes of the famished rebel horde — 
General McClellan was out and after him. The ad- 
vance was made by five parallel roads, and the 
columns were so disposed as to cover both Wash- 
ington and Baltimore ; for the left flank rested on 
the Potomac and the right on the Baltimore & Ohio 
Railroad. The right wing consisted of the First and 
Ninth Corps, under General Burnside ; the center, of 
the Second and Twelfth Corps, under General Sum- 
ner; the left w^ing of the Sixth Corps, under General 
Franklin. 

The Second and Twelfth Corps, under General 
Suinner and Gen. A. S. Williams respectively, started 
Sept. 6 from Tenallytown, just outside of Washing- 
ton, and the Second marched to Rockville. and thence 
by Middlebrook and Urbana to Frederick; the 

183 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Twelfth moved by a lateral road between Urbana 
and New Llarket. 

The Second Corps, now had three Divisions, — ^in 
order, Richardson's, Sedgwick's, and Gen. Wm. H. 
French's. The First Minnesota still belonged to Gor- 
man's Brigade (the First) of Sedgwick's (Second) 
Division, and the Brigade was composed of the old 
time-tried and fire-tested regiments, the Minnesota 
First, the Massachnsetts Fifteenth, and the New York 
Thirty-fourth and Eighty-second. At this time there 
also belonged to the Brigade two companies of sharp- 
shooters, Captain Russell's Second IMinnesota and 
Captain Saunders' First Massachusetts. The battery 
was Kirby's. (I, First U. S.), now commanded by 
Lieut. Geo. A. Woodruff. 

The van of McClellan's army, Hooker's Corps, 
entered Frederick Sept. 12, driving away Stuart's 
cavalry and receiving a hearty welcome at the hands 
and from the hearts of the people. The next day 
McClellan came. The Confederates had sent Jack- 
son and McLaws to capture Harper's Ferry, 25 miles 
to the southwest, where Gen. Dixon Miles had 11.000 
men; the rest of Lee's army was following after. 
General Halleck would not allow Harper's Ferry to 
be evacuated, although General McClellan assured 
him that it would be captured. 

General Halleck advised that McClellan should, 
''keep more upon the Potomac, and press forward his 
left, so as more readily to relieve Harper's Ferry, the 
point then in most danger." Of course there was 
danger that if McClellan did not take care of his 
left flank the Confederates might move on "Washing- 
ton. (Com. on Cond. War, part 1, p. 452.) 

The day McClellan reached Frederick City a sol- 
dier of the 27th Indiana picked up in an abandoned 
Confederate camp a piece of paper wrapped about 

184 



THE ANTIETAM CAMPAIGN 

three cigars. The paper was found to be a genuine 
copy of Lee's order of march to his generals, and 
was dated September 9th. Stonewall Jackson was 
to march westward by way of Sharpsburg; cross the 
Potomac and the Baltimore & Ohio near there, and 
go on ten miles to Martinsburg, which is 15 miles 
northwest of Harper's Ferry, and "intercept such as 
may attempt to escape from Harper's Ferry." Long- 
street was to move to Boonesborough, which is 20 
miles nearly northwest of Frederick and 10 miles due 
north of Harper's Ferry. McLaws and R. H. Ander- 
son were to go straight to Harper's Ferry and 
endeavor to capture the place, first occupying Mary- 
land Heights. Walker's Division was to march to 
Loudoun Heights, opposite Harper's Ferry, and co- 
operate with IMcLaws and Jackson. Gen. D. H. Hill 
was to have command of his Division as the rear 
guard. 

The paper which the soldier found, and had sense 
enough to see was of the supremest importance, 
virtually delivered Lee's army into General McClel- 
lan's hands. 

The Union commander now knew, to his surprise, 
that Lee's army was divided and somewhat scattered; 
that one great part was at Boonesborough and an- 
other great part west of Harper's Ferry, the two 20 
miles apart. He knew when and where Lee's trains, 
rear guard, and cavalry were to march, and when 
and where the detached commands were to join the 
main body. 

General IMcClellan seemed to realize the import- 
ance of the paper the soldier found, for he tele- 
graphed Lincoln: "I have all the plans of the 
rebels, and will catch them in their trap, if my men 
are equal to the emergency," but he did not act 
aceordinglj''. 

185 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Franklin with his Corps, which two weeks later 
had 22,568 men present for duty, (War Recs., Vol. 
19, part 2, p. 374) was at Buckeystown, 12 miles east 
of South Mountain, six miles south- of Frederick City, 
and 20 miles east of Harper's Ferry. 

It Avas noon of September 14, when General 
Franklin, with his two divisions of Slocum and Smith 
stormed the crest of the mountain at Crampton's 
Gap and drove away Cobb's and Semmes' Brigades, 
of McLaw's, Mahone's Brigade of Anderson's Divis- 
ion, and two regiments of Stuart's Cavalry, which 
were guarding the pass. 

The same date the Union right wing commanded 
by General Burnside, fought all day in what the 
Unionists call the battle of South IMountain, and the 
Confederates Boonesboro, although that village is 
three miles away, to the northeast. This was for the 
possession of Turner's and Fox's Gaps through the 
South Mountain division of the Blue Ridge Range. 
These Gaps were six miles north of Crampton's. 
Turner's Gap was as strong naturally as Thermopylae. 
The mountain had precipitous sides, the passes were 
stoutly defended, and there was a great deal of hard 
fighting and many gallant deeds done that day. 

On the Confederate side the fighting at first was 
done mainly by Dan H. Hill's Division with Colquitt's 
and Garland's Brigades. Later his other two bri- 
gades, Rodes' and George B. Anderson's, became in- 
volved. In the afternoon George T. Anderson's, 
Kemper's, Drayton's and Jenkins' Brigade, of Long- 
street's Division, joined the defenders. Longstreet's 
entire corps had now come up and was in reserve. 

On the Union side the fighting was by Gen. Jesse 
L. Reno's Ninth Corps, of four Divisions, until 3 p. 
m., when Hooker arrived and Meade's and Hatch's 
Divisions were sent in. With Hatch's Division was. 

186 



THE ANTIETAM CAMPAIGN 

Capt. Chase's First Minnesota Sharpshooters, which 
received honorable mention as the first Union troops 
to "reach the top of the mountain." General Burn- 
side was in general command of the forces engaged. 

At night the Union troops held the crest of the 
hill and the rest of the army was up and the next 
morning the Confederates had retreated. 

The First Minnesota left its camp near Frederick 
on the morning of September 14, and with Sedg- 
wick's Division marched about 12 miles northeast, via 
Middleton, to the South Mountain at Turner's Gap. 
In the afternoon the regiment came within earshot of 
the fighting at the Gaps. At sunset the regiment 
came up to the fighting ground and was at once 
pushed to the front up the mountain side to strength- 
en the Union force, though it needed no strengthen- 
ing. The Minnesotians lay down to rest right among 
the dead bodies of those that had fallen in the con- 
flict a few hours before. 

The battle was over, although there was picket 
firing nearly all night between the contending forces. 
The last Confederates did not get away until nearly 
daylight. Both Hill's and Longstreet's troops hurried 
to the westward to join Lee, near Sharpsburg, eight 
miles away. 

Lee realized that he would have to fight and had 
picked his ground. All his outlying diA^isions were 
hurrying to it. Longstreet's and Hill's were com- 
ing from Turner's Gap; McLaws and Anderson were 
marching from Crampton's; Stonewall Jackson's were 
running up from Harper's Ferry, to be followed by 
the other brigades of McLaws and R. H. Anderson, 
with A. P. Hill's to come close upon their heels. 

The Confederate muster place was the west side 
of the Antietam Creek, a little stream which rises in 
the northern part of "Washington county, Maryland, 

187 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

flows southward, "winds about and in and out" for 
eighteen miles, and finally falls into the Potomac 
seven miles or so up stream from Harper's Ferry. 
Southwest of the village of Sharpsburg, which is two 
miles west of Antietam Creek and about the same 
distance east of the Potomac, was to be the field of 
glory. 

Here the little creek's banks were steep and diffi- 
cult of passage, and the Union troops must cross 
them to effect anything. There were from north to 
south four good stout stone bridges across it. Any 
place on the upper portion of the stream could be 
easily crossed by infantry anyhow. The only bridge 
whose destruction would really be an impediment to 
crossing was No. 4, the lowest one, exactly where the 
extreme Confederate right flank rested on Antietam 
Creek. The extreme of his left flank was the Poto- 
mac. 

The Confederate line was in the woodlands and 
thickets on the east side of the Hagerstown turnpike, 
a good thoroughfare running north and south from 
Hagerstown to Sharpsburg, a distance of about twelve 
miles. The line was parallel with the road, and on the 
15th was composed of about 10,000 men of Long- 
street's Corps and 5,000 of D. H. Hill's Division, and 
extended for about a mile and a half. "When all the 
Confederate forces were up, the line was strung out 
to nearly four miles. Except on the extreme right 
flank, where it touched Antietam Creek, it was from 
half a mile to two miles west of that stream. Stuart's 
three caA^alry brigades were here and there. 

The main line ran through patches of woods; be- 
hind fences, some of them of stone; in the rear of 
corn fields, farms, and farm buildings, and over 
lands well strewn with large granite boulders, and al- 
together Lee's position constituted splendid fighting 

188 



TPIE ANTIETAM CAMPAIGN 

ground for a force on the defensive. 

From Hagerstown down to Sharpsburg the coun- 
try was the same. There were plenty of farms and 
they were fairly good ones. The soil was naturally 
not very productive, but the owners kept their fields 
well fertilized and harvested good crops. A great 
many of the people belonged to the primitive German 
Baptist Church, the members of which are called Tun- 
kers or Dunkers, or Dunkards. They resemble some- 
what the Quakers. They do not go to war or to 
law, and they work industriously and live plainly, 
honestly and at peace with all the world. A mile 
north of Sharpsburg, on the west side of the Hagers- 
town pike, the Dunkers had a church. It was plain, 
modest, and unpretentious, like the people that wor- 
shipped in it. The walls were of brick and painted 
white. It had no steeple or belfry, for the Dunkards 
don't believe in such '' vanities" on their churches. 
JMany of the soldiers that saAv it came away from the 
battlefield believing that it was a country school 
house, and a frame one at that. 

The church stood on the land of Sanford Mumma, 
(pronounced Moo-maw) whose house was a little more 
than a quarter of a mile east of the church; the 
Mumma house was burned by D. H. Hill's troops at 
the beginning of the fight. Mr. Mumma gave the land 
for the site and was active in building the church. 
He was commonly called ^'Sant" Mumma, and this 
led to a somewhat ludicrous error. The Confederate 
generals Hood, Law, and some commanders, hearing 
some of the country people call the building "Sant" 
IMumma's church, and knowing more about military 
matters than the Saints' Calendar, concluded that the 
little church, like many another, had been named 
for a canonized worthy; therefore they corrected the 
pronunciation, and in their reports style it "Saint 

189 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Mumma's" and "St. Mumma's Church." 

On the morning of the 15th, the First Minnesota, 
with its Brigade and Division crossed the South 
Mountain, and marched three miles northwest through 
Boonesborough, now a village of 700 people, then 
turned southwest and bivouacked that night between 
that village and Keedysville (present pop. 520) which 
villages are about four miles apart. The next morn- 
ing the regiment marched early, still to the south- 
west, and in a few hours came to the vicinity of 
Lee's position across the Antietam. 



190 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

THE BATTLE OF ANTIETAM. 

THE action at Antietam, is set down as one or 
the great battles in the world's history. But its 
greatness is composed of heroic fighting, gallant deed, 
long hours of struggle, an appalling loss of life, a 
gory record of wounds, and it is believed to have 
caused the issuing of President Lincoln's Emancipa- 
tion Proclamation. There was nothing decided by it 
for it Avas not a decisive battle. It did not change 
the map of the country in any particular, it was only 
a great slaughtering and wounding of men. At its 
conclusion neither party had an immediate advantage, 
but it terminated General Lee's invasion of Mary- 
land. 

In this great contest, this awful holocaust, this 
mighty incident of the great war, Minnesota was rep- 
resented as she was on nearly every great battle- 
field of that dreadful first three years of the war. 
The First Minnesota and Russell's Sharpshooters were 
present as delegates to this terrible convocation and 
were active participants in the proceedings. 

It was in the afternoon of September 15 when 
the main advance of the Army of the Potomac ap- 
proached General Lee's position east of Sharpsburg 
and drew up along the left bank of Antietam Creek. 
On the opposite side, but a mile west of that creek, 
the Confederate line was ostentatiously displayed. 
The batteries were in position, the infantry in plain 
view. 

The Confederate battalion of artillery under Col. 
Stephen D. Lee had crossed Antietam Creek at 8 
o'clock that morning and gone into position on the 

191 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

left or east of the turnpike running southward from 
Hagerstown to Sharpsburg; later it fell back to the 
west of the turnpike. General Lee had moved his 
army down from Hagerstown the day before, so that 
the forces he had sent to take Harper's Ferry could 
the more easily join him when they had finished 
their work; he would meet them half way. 

Later in the forenoon the blue uniforms of the 
Union troops appeared among the trees that crowned 
the heights of the eastern banks of the Antietam. 

About 1 p. m. the Union infantry came up within 
range, and Lee opened upon them with his long 
range guns. The Union batteries soon replied, and 
there was considerable artillery firing that after- 
noon. At 3 o'clock General MeClellan came up on 
the hill where other prominent officers were, and in- 
stantly was under fire. A Confederate shell screamed 
over the heads of the groups of officers, and MeClel- 
lan directed that all but one or two of them should 
retire behind the ridge, while he continued his recon- 
naissance coolly and business-like. (Gen. J. B. Cox, 
Batts. and Leads. Vol. 2, p. 631.) 

The examination of the ground, the posting of 
troops and a lively artillery duel occupied the fore- 
noon of the 16th. At 2 p. m. (Meade's report) Hook- 
er's First Corps, 14,800 strong, (according to MeClel- 
lan) was put in motion and crossed Antietam Creek 
at the bridge and ford highest up the stream, 
^Bridge No. 1) near and a little west of Keedysville, 
and also near Samuel Pry's mill. The crossing was 
out of range of the hostile fire. 

General Hooker continued the march westward 
for nearly a mile and a half, and was half a mile 
east of the Sharpsburg and Hagerstown turnpike, 
when the skirmishers of Meade's Division struck 
Hood's Division of two brigades of Longstreet's 

192 



THE BATTLE OF ANTIETAM 

Corps, in position in the woods to the left or Sovith 
of the Union column. It was now nearly sundown. 
There was a brisk skirmish for several minutes. 

Both of Hood's, Wofford's and Law's were in 
action. The skirmishing lasted until after dark. Then 
Lee sent up, as stated, first Gen. J. R. Jones' division 
and then General Lawton's of Jackson's Corps, with 
two brigades, to relieve Hood's worn-out command."^ 

The opposing forces rested on their arms, both 
occupying a skirt of woods which formed the eastern 
enclosure of D. E. j\Iiller's corn field, which accord- 
ing to varying estimates, was from 30 acres to 50 
acres in extent, and was on both sides of the turn- 
pike, .just south of ]\Iiller's house. 

After Hooker's column was well under way, 
across the creek, ]\rcClellan came to it. To him 
General Hooker said: "You have sent me across 
with my small corps of 13.000 to attack the whole 
rebel army, and if re-enforeements are not sent 
promptly, or another attack is not made on the left 
of our line, the rebels will eat me up." (Hooker's 
report.) So about midnight ]\IcClellan sent over 
^Mansfield's Twelfth Corps of two divisions to the re- 
enforcement and they went into camp immediately 
in the rear of Hooker's. 

General ]\Iansfield was 59 years of age, an old 
officer of the army of long and faithful experience. 
His two divisions. Gen. A. S. Williams' and Gen. Geo. 
S. Greene's, aggregated 10.126 officers and men. 
(MeClellan's report) and so there were now nearly 
24.000 Union troops against the Confederate left wing, 
where there were at that time perhaps 10.000 men. 

*"The officers and men of my command havin? been 
without food for three days, except a half ration of beef 
for one day, and green corn, General Lawton, with two 
brigades, was directed to take my position to enable my 
men to cook." — Hood's report. 

193 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Hooker's movement had accomplished nothing, save 
to inform Lee that the main battle was to be fought 
on the left of his position, although there would 
probably be, to use Phil Kearney's expression, "beau- 
tiful fighting along the whole line." 

Sedgwick's Division, which included Gorman's 
Brigade and the First Minnesota, were encamped on 
Pry's farm, on the Antietam in the extreme north- 
eastern corner of the battle ground. General LlcClel- 
lan established his headquarters in Pry's big square 
farm house. 

The Antietam was easily fordable almost any- 
where, but the banks were precipitous. Many cross- 
ing places v/ere desired. That evening a detail from 
Gorman's brigade, including several men from the 
First Minnesota, the whole under Lieut. Martin Ma- 
ginnis, then of Company B, graded down the banks 
of the creek in several places, making suitable ap- 
proaches to crossing places. 

As early as three o'clock in the morning of that 
memorable Wednesday, September 17, 1862, the pick- 
ets of Lawton's Confederates and those of Seymour's 
L^nion brigade were ''at it" in earnest. (Hood's re- 
port.) At 6 o'clock Lawton sent for Hood's brigades, 
which came back immediately, but before they could 
get up Lawton was grievously wounded and was 
succeeded in the command of the division by Gen. 
Jubal A. Early, who brought his brigade down from 
the support of Stuart's Cavalry and batteries, to the 
northwest. Hooker's men were inflicting great losses 
but were receiving the same. 

At 7 o'clock, or a little later, Hooker had 
cleared the woods (called the East "Woods) and the 
fields of D. E. ]\Iiller's farm, on the east of the 
Hngerstown turnpike, and the Confederates on the 
upper part of the line had been driven to the west 

194 



THE BATTLE OF ANTIETAM 

of the turnpike, about the Dunker church, in what 
were called the West "Woods. Here they had a good 
position, concealed in the woods, behind trees, bould- 
ers, stone ledges, inequalities of the ground, and oth- 
er shelters. In addition to the infantry attacks up- 
on them, they had been under a very destructive 
artillery fire and were certainly in a sad condition. 

Hooker advanced his center division under Meade 
to take the Hagerstown pike, the position at the Dun- 
ker Church and the west woods — all three. Resisting 
this movement, John R. Jones' Division, (1,600 men, 
says its commander) and Hood's two brigades ad- 
vanced from the woods, threw back Meade's division 
and broke it badly, sending it to the rear. Ricketts' 
Division, at the left of Hooker's line, advanced to the 
Hagerstown pike but was met by three brigades of 
Dan Hill's Division (which had closed up to Jack- 
son's line and was on its right) and was also driven 
from the field. Hooker's remaining division. General 
Doubleday's, got down into Miller's corn field op- 
posite the Dunker church, but was driven back by the 
fire of the enemy in the church woods and by 
Stuart's batteries, and took refuge behind the ad- 
vancing lines of Sedgwick's Division. (Doubleday's 
report.) 

The First Corps had suffered severely from the 
enemy's fire, and had lost nearly half its men by 
straggling, (McClellan's and Meade's reports) so that 
its effectiveness was practically gone. But Hooker 
continued to fight until about 9 :15 when he was bad- 
ly wounded in the foot and General Meade took com- 
mand of the Corps. 

As a result of the engagement, Hooker's Corps re- 
tired to the northward, up the Hagerstown road, and 
did not stop until it reached a point at Joseph Pof- 
fenberger's and Wm. IMiddlekauff's farms, fully a 

195 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

mile north of where they had formed the night before 
and from where they had started that morning. The 
Corps was badly demoralized. A great many had been 
killed and wounded, but a far greater number had 
skedaddled or ''straggled." as the milder term was. 
General ^.leade reported that there were but 6,729 
men of the Corps present on the 18th; but on the 
22d, after the stragglers had come up, there were 
13,093. 

The Confederates, too, had been badly hurt. In 
the early cannonade Gen. John R. Jones, commanding 
Jackson's left division was so badly injured that he 
had to leave the field. Gen. "Wm. E. Starke took 
command of the division and a half-hour later fell 
dead with three minie balls m his body. In his re- 
port Stonewall Jackson says : 

"The carnage on both sides was terrific. 
At an early hour General Starke was killed. 
Colonel Douglass, commanding Lawton's 
Brigade was also killed. General Lawton, 
commanding division, and Colonel Walker 
commanding brigade, were seriously wounded. 
More than half of the brigades of Lawton 
and Hayes were either killed or wounded, 
and more than a third of Trimble's; all the 
regimental commanders in those brigades, 
except two. Avere killed or Vv^ouuded. " 

IMeanwhile the two divisions of the TAvelfth Corps 
had come up. Upon the mortal wounding of General 
Mansfield, Gen. A. S. AYilliams had taken command 
and brought his division, now commanded by General 
Crawford, and that of General Greene down to the 
Dunkard Church. Crawford, with his two brigades, 
advanced across the southern part of D. R. ^Miller's 
corn field and seized a point of the woods on the west 
side of the Ilagerstown road, north of the church. 
At the same time Greene's Division, on the left or 

196 



THE BATTLE OF ANTIETAM 

south of Crawford cleared its front and crossed into 
the woods on the left of the church. The Confeder- 
ates of Early's Brigade and Lawton's and the J. R. 
Jones' Division were back in the woods, behind trees, 
boulders, and rock ledges, Stuart's batteries pounding 
them, and Crawford and Greene held their positions 
under heavy loss; finally their troops too began to 
waver and break and at last withdrew.* It was now 
beween 9 :30 and 10 o 'clock and General Sumner 
with the Second Corps came upon the field. 

THE FIRST MINNESOTA AT ANTIETAM. 

The morning of the 17th of September opened 
cloudy and cool at Antietam. "Thank the Lord," 
said many of the men, "we won't have to fight today 
under a broiling sun." The First Minnesota and the 
whole of Gorman's Brigade, from the vantage ground 
on Pry's farm east of the creek,* could overlook a 
great part of the battlefield. They had been called 
up at 4 o'clock in the early morning, for Sumner 
had orders to be ready to take in the Corps at day- 
break, and to be ready to move at a moment's notice. 
Breakfast had been cooked and eaten and the knap- 
sacks packed to leave in camp. 

When daylight came and Hooker began his at- 
tack, many of the men sought to see the show. Some 
sought the hilltops, some climbed to the crests of 
straw stacks, and from these elevated positions saw 
the battle "from afar off," and saw it plainly, com- 
menting upon it as it progressed. When Hooker's 
troops at the first stage, drove the Confederates out 
of the East Woods, there was great satisfaction and 
even enthusiasm; but when the advance stopped in 

*In his report General Dou.bleday claims that the 
Twelfth Corps "did not attack in the right place," and 
were therefore "soon swept away."" 

197 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

front of the "West Woods and presently the masses in 
blue began to go back, there was consternation. 

It was 7 :20 when General Sumner received orders 
to take his Corps to the field. 

The Corps marched promptly. Sedgwick's Di- 
vision moved first in three lines, a brigade to the line. 
Gorman's Brigade was the first in line and the First 
Minnesota was the head of the Brigade. The route 
from camp for the first half mile was toward the 
northwest. The Antietam was waded at knee deep 
over a little fording place half a mile west of Philip 
Pry's house, where General McClellan had his head- 
quarters during the battle, and the farm and house 
on the west bank of the creek belonging to Harmon 
F. Neikirk. 

A quarter of a mile up the slope from Neikirk 's 
the division was formed into battle column and ad- 
vanced toward the west. The Dunker church was 
about a mile due west from where the Corps crossed 
Antietam Creek, and the church was the point aimed 
at. The formation was by brigades, one behind the 
other, a brigade to the line. Gorman's Brigade was 
in the first line, Dana's in the second, and Howard's 
in the third. Kirby's Battery, now in charge of 
Lieut. Geo. A. Woodruff, was being held in the rear 
for an emergency. 

In Gorman's brigade line the First Minnesota was 
on the right, and on its extreme left Russell's com- 
pany of Minnesota Sharpshooters; Company I, the 
Wabasha Company, under Captain Pell, was on pro- 
vost guard duty and not with the Regiment that 
day. The regiment marched into action with 435 I 
officers and men. The Eighty-second New York came 
next, then came the Fifteenth Massachusetts (and 
the company of Andrew Sharpshooters), and the 
Thirty-fourth New York was on the extreme left of 

198 



THE BATTLE OF ANTIETAM 

the brigade. Fifty yards behind Gorman's was Dana's 
Brigade, and 50 yards behind Dana's was Howard's. 

Under Sedgwick's orders the three brigades ad- 
vanced to the westward simultaneously. French's 
Division was following Sedgwick's, Richardson's was 
crossing the Antietam; French's Division had been 
added to the Corps only the previous morning. It 
was commanded by Gen. Wm. H. French and had 
three brigades under Gen. Nathan Kimball, Col. 
Divight IMorris, and Gen. Max Weber, in all ten regi- 
ments, all veterans of the Shenandoah campaign but 
one, the One Hundred Thirtieth Pennsylvania, now 
in its first battle. Richardson's Division came up 
half an hour later. 

The three brigades moved rapidly forward for 
about three-quarters of a mile westward. Then the 
direction (at least of Gorman's Brigade) was changed 
to the southwest. They had passed through the East 
Woods, a fine grove, mostly of oaks, without under- 
brush, dead and dying under all the trees. Then 
they entered D. R. Miller's big corn field, nearly 
ready for husking, but now yielding another sort of 
and a A^ery horrible harvest, a crop of shot men. The 
field was already strewn with the victims of battle, 
largely Hooker's men. Dead men and grievously 
wounded men lay in furrows behind corn hills. 

It was a brave sight these three lines of battle, 
5,000 men, marching to the conflict. The ground was 
fairly open and favorable. The lines were well kept 
— too well kept ; hardly a shot against them could 
miss. The men bore themselves well, even gallantly 
— no shrinking and no faltering, although every man 
knew he was going against the force, somewhere in 
the West Woods beyond, that had destroyed Hooker 
and Mansfield. They had not proceeded 50 yards 
from where their lines were formed when they came 

199 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

under the fire of Jeb Stuart's batteries to the west. 

On went Gorman's Brigade to the Hagerstown 
road across which thoroughfare, in the woods about 
the Dunker Church, lay the Confederates. They were 
of Jackson's old division, here commanded first by 
J. R. Jones, then by Starke, now by Col. A. J. 
Grigsby, and of four brigades; then there was Ewell's 
(or Lawton's) Division now commanded by General 
Early, with four brigades. 

On each side of and running parallel with the 
Hagerstown pike was a post-and-rail fence. These 
were soon passed and the West Woods entered. But 
at the west fence the color-bearer of the First Min- 
nesota, Sergt. Sam Bloomer of the Stillwater Com- 
pany (B), had his leg shattered by a musket ball 
and surrendered the flag to other brave hands. He 
had received it when the gallant George Burgess fell 
with it at Savage's Station and had borne it in 
honor thereafter. 

Passing over the two fences and the Hagerstown 
pike, the Brigade entered the AVest AYoods to the 
right or north of the Dunker church. The woods 
were being held by Hood's two brigades, Law's and 
Wofford's and "Tige" xVnderson's. and here were, as 
of old, the Second and Eleventh Mississippi, Fourth 
Alabama, and Sixth North Carolina. Gorman's 
Brigade had last met them at Fair Oaks. 

The Brigade passed into the woods, where Union 
troops had never before entered, and pressed for- 
ward firing deliberately and effectively. Hood's bri- 
gades and Anderson's were driven out of the woods 
and away from the battle ground by this firing. They 
were short of ammunition and were being badly shat- 
tered. General Hood had called loudly and repeat- 
edly for re-enforcements and not receiving them had 
ordered his brigades to retire and they needed no 

200 



THE BATTLE OP ANTIETAM 

second command, but retreated hastily, yet in toler- 
able order. "^Tige" Anderson knew when he had 
enough, and he, too, left the ground in haste. 

Soon Gorman's Brigade had reached the open 
ground at the west side of the Avoods, the most ad- 
vanced position to the westward occupied by the 
Union troops during the battle. It was the foremost 
brigade. It constituted a diagonal line from north 
west to southeast, facing toward the southwest, and 
the First Minnesota Avas on the northwest end, and 
was the farthest regiment to the front that day. 

The Division had come into the woods among the 
scattered detachments of Williams' and Greene's Di- 
visions of the Twelfth Corps, which had succeeded 
not only to the field position of Hooker's Corps but 
to its fate. Both Divisions were in great disorder. 

In entering the Dunker Church woods Colonel 
Suiter's Thirty-fourth New York, on the extreme left 
of Gorman's Brigade, ran afoul of a derelict regi- 
ment, the One Hundred Twenty-fifth Pennsylvania, 
which in the wreck of Williams' Division, had drifted 
away on the sea of battle and was floating about 
hither and thither. A ravine had thrown the Thirty- 
fourth away from the Brigade, and the Pennsylvania 
regiment somehow got between the two for some 
minutes, adding to the Thirtj^'-fourth's confusion. 
There was also a great wide gap between the left 
of that regiment and the right of French's Division, 
which was at least a quarter of a mile to the south- 
east of Gorman's Brigade; French's Division never 
crossed the Hagerstown pike. Colonel Suiter's left 
wing was therefore "in air." 

The other regiments of Gorman's Brigade had 
emerged from the west woods and were fighting 
Early's thin lines about the John Hauser buildings. 
Ten minutes more would have brought a Union vic- 

201 



[i 



THE FIEST MINNESOTA 

tory; but at the decisive time and place the Devil 
''took care of his own" and a large volume of Con- 
federate re-enforcements came. 

It was not later than 10 o'clock that morning 
when Gen. Lafayette McLaws' Division of four bri- 
gades comprising 2,893 infantry, and two batteries, 
arrived at Lee's headquarters from Harper's Ferry. 

They were brought up to the Dunker Church 
woods in response to General Hood's earnest demands 
and took the place of that general's two brigades 
and "Tige" Anderson's brigade, which had gone 
away from the fighting. Hood's brigades returned 
at 1 o'clock, but Anderson's command remained 
down the line with Dan Hill's command. 

"With McLaAvs' force had come Gen. John G. 
Walker's Division of two brigades, Ransom's and 
"Walker's, the latter now commanded by Col. Van H. 
Manning, Third Arkansas. It occupied a position 
down below Sharpsburg, commanding the Burnside 
bridge, until 9:30 when it was ordered up to the re- 
lief of Hood and Early, near the Dunker church. 

Let us now see what Gorman's Brigade had ac- 
complished up to this time against Hood's Division 
of Law's and "Wofford's Brigades. In his report at 
this time Gen. Law (War Recs., "Vol. 19, part 1, p. 
938) says: 

So far we had been entirely successful and every- 
thing promised a decisive victory.*** At this stage 
of the battle a poAverful Federal force (ten times our 
number) of fresh troops was thrown in our front. 

"Our losses up to this time had been 
heavy; our troops now confronting the ene- 
my were insufficient to cover properly one- 
fourth of the line of battle ; our ammunition 
was nearly expended. Still our men held 
their ground, many of them using such am- 

202 



THE BATTLE OF ANTIETAM 

munition as they could obtain from the 
bodies of our own and the enemy's dead 
and wounded. The enemy's fire was most 
destructive. This state of affairs could not 
long continue. To remain stationary would 
have caused a useless butchery. I adopted 
the only alternative — that of falling back. 
The enemy followed very slowly and cau- 
tiously. Under direction of General Hood, 
I re-formed my brigade in the rear of Saint 
]\rumma's Church (Bunkers' Chapel) and, to- 
gether with the Texas Brigade, which had 
also retired, again confronted the enemy, who 
seemed to hesitate to enter the wood. Re- 
enforcements now arrived and the brigade 
was relieved for the purpose of obtaining 
ammunition. ' ' 

Colonel Wofford, who commanded the Texas Bri- 
gade, (Hood's former brigade) reports (ibid, p. 928) 
as follows : 

''The enemy, now in overwhelming num- 
bers, commenced advancing in full force. In 
a little time, seeing the hopelessness and 
folly of making a stand against them with 
our shattered brigade and a remnant from 
other commands, (the men being greatly 
exhausted and many of them out of ammuni- 
tion) I determined to fall back to a fence 
in our rear. We were in line under cover 
of the w^oods to the left (or north) of the 
church and waited for support. None coming 
we fell back to the fence, where we met the 
long looked for re-enforcements. At the 
same time we received an order from Gen- 
eral Hood to fall back farther to the rear 
to rest and collect our men." 

But Gen. Paul Semmes who commanded one of 
the re-enforcing brigades, says the two brigades were 
not met at ''a fence," or near the battle ground, 

203 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

but well in the rear. In his report (ibid, p. 874) 
General Semmes says : 

"Moving forward by the flank in the di- 
rection of the enemy, before coming into 
view, tAvo brigades were met retiring from 
the front, apparently badly cut up. An in- 
cessant current of wounded flowed to the 
rear, showing that the conflict had been 
severe and w^ell contested. Coming in full 
view of the enemy's line, Major General Mc- 
Laws, in person, ordered me to move for- 
Avard in line." 

It will be observed that General Semmes met the 
retiring brigades "before coming in view" of the 
Union line, so that at this juncture there was no 
enemy at all within gun-shot of the front of Gor- 
man's Brigade. 

General McLaws also testifies that Hood's Division 
had left the field. In his report, (ibid, p. 858) de- 
scribing his arrival on the battle ground, he says: 

"General Hood pointed out the direction 
for the advance, and my line of battle was 
rapidly formed, with General Cobb's brigade 
on the right, next General Kershaw's, Gen- 
eral Barksdale's and General Semmes' on the 
left. Just in front of the line was a large 
bodv of Avoods. from Avhieh PARTIES OF 
OUR TROOPS— OF WHOSE CO]\II\rAND I 
DO NOT KNOW— WERE SEEN RETIRING, 
AND THE ENE:\IY, I COULD SEE, WERE 
ADVANCING RAPIDLY, OCCUPYING THE 
PLACE. My advance was ordered before 
the entire line of General Kershaw could be 
formed." (Capitals by Compiler.) 

There is no question that Hood's Division was 
tired. from its fighting with Hooker's and Mansfield's 
men; but there is equally no Cfuestion that the Di- 
vision Avas driven back into the West AYood, "in the 

204 



THE BATTLE OF ANTIETAM 

rear of Saint Mimima's Church, Dunkard's Chapel," 
(LaAv) ''to the left (or north) of the church," (Wof- 
ford) and then driven entirely out of and to 'the 
west of the Wood by Gorman's Brigade. Perhaps 
General Gorman was not aware of this condition of 
the enemy, for Stuart's dismounted cavalry to the 
right and some of Early's forces to the southwest 
were still firing musketry at him, but the condition 
existed. 

''Tige" Anderson's brigade had also been driven 
off to the south and connected with D. H. Hill's 
Division. (See Anderson's report.) This division 
had all the Avhile fought on the extreme southern 
portion of Hood's line, having come up as a re- 
enforcement to Hood. Singularlj^ enough neither 
Lochren's sketch, the History of the Fifteenth ]\Iassa- 
chusetts, Walker's History of the Second Corps nor 
any other publication available to the compiler, ex- 
cept the Official Records, mentions that Colonel 
Anderson's Brigade was engaged against Gorman's 
at Antietam. 

General Francis A. AValker, who was Assistant 
Adjutant General of the Second Army Corps from 
Oct. 9, 1862, to Jan. 12, 1865. and was on General 
Sumner's staff at Antietam, writes, in his admirable 
History of the Second Army Corps, (p. 104) about 
tlie passage of Sedgwick's Division into the woods 
about the Dunker Church. He notes that after a 
little Avhile there was no enemy in the Division's 
front — which was at the time when Hood's Division 
and Tige Anderson's Brigade had retreated. Says 
General Walker: 

''Leaving the Dunker Church on their left 
and rear. Sedgwick's Division, in close array, 
in three lines by brigade, having crossed the 
ITagorstown pike, disappears in the woods. 

203 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

This is no tangled thicket like the "Wilder- 
ness, where a captain may not see the left 
of his company, but a noble grove of perfect 
trees, free from underbrush, allowing the 
rapid advance of the lines in unbroken order. 
Even when the leading brigade, (Gorman's) 
emerges from the further side of the grove, 
no enemy is seen in front. Only Stuart's 
batteries, from some high, rocky ground on 
the right, search the woods, as they had the 
cornfield, with shell and solid shot. AVhat 
means this unopposed progress? Is it well 
or ill that this ground should not be dis- 
puted? Does it signify success or danger?" 

General Sumner was riding with the field officers 
of Gorman's Brigade (General "Walker) and driving 
his massed column straight forward to find his enemy. 
From General Hooker's experience, Sumner evidently 
expected to find the Confederates in heavy and strong 
force, and he meant to throw against them his huge 
massed Division like a great battle-bolt, which would 
shiver their front lines to pieces by its weight and 
impact, and utterly demolish their organization by its 
subsequent work. He was, where he always was 
when a charge was in progress, at the head of the 
column, this time Gorman's Brigade, and he was 
waving the same hat that he waved at Savage's 
Station, and his heavy gray hair was tossing in the 
wind as it tossed at Fair Oaks. 

As Gorman's Brigade emerged from the "West 
"Wood upon the farm of John Hauser, firing was 
opened upon it from a Confederate line extending 
along a crest of a slight ridge in front upon which 
stood Hauser 's farmhouse, barn, and stacks. This 
fire was from some of Early's men. Jeb Stuart's 
Poague's battery was still playing on the Dunker 
Church woods. The Thirty-Fourth New York, in 

206 



THE BATTLE OF ANTIETAM 

extricating itself from the tangle with the new Penn- 
sylvania regiment, and in trying to march clear of 
the ravine, had become detached somewhat from the 
Brigade. 

There was a great gap in both the Confederate 
and Union lines for several minutes. It was soon 
filled ! 

Colonel Suiter, with the Thirty-Fourth New York, 
now had the One Hundred and Twenty-fifth Penn- 
sylvania on his right. Next to Colonel Suiter's 
regiment should have been its old-time comrade regi- 
ment, the Fifteenth Massachusetts, which made such 
a bloody but glorious record that day. The Thirty- 
fourth, being at the extreme left of the line, should 
have connected Avith the extreme right of French's 
Division ;* but General Sumner, in his great im- 
patience to get into the fight, had not waited for 
French to come up in line with Sedgwick, but pushed 
on with Sedgwick's Division "in the air." 

And now the Confederate re-enforcements under 
"Walker and McLaws burst upon the field. It would 
seem from the somewhat obscure reports that "Walker 
was the first to come. He went into line with his 
own old brigade under Colonel Manning on the right 
or south, and Ransom's on the left or north, and the 
left of Ransom's brigade extended nearly up to, but 
yet a little south of the Dunker Church. Leaving 
two regiments. Third Arkansas and Twenty-Seventh 
North Carolina, to hold the gap between his right 
and Longstreet's left, General "Walker advanced to 
the Union lines and struck the wandering One Hun- 

*Lochren says it was the failure of the left of the 
Brigade to connect with "Richardson's Division" which 
caused the trouble: bnt Richardson's Division was then 
not on the battlefield, and not expected to be. French's 
Division was the one to be connected with. 

207 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

dred Twenty-Fifth Pennsylvania and the left of 
Sedgwick's Division. 

.McLaws advanced perhaps five minutes later than 
Walker. As has been stated, the former general went 
forward with Cobb's Brigade (under Colonel Sanders) 
on the right, Kershaw's next, Barksdale's next, and 
Gen. Paul Semmes' to the extreme left.* They at 
once re-enforced Early's men behind the rock ledges, 
the outbuildings, fences, and stacks of straw^ and 
grain on the Hauser farm. Hardly had they been 
put into position when there was work for them. ^ 

Sedgwick's three brigades were now all facing 
southwest in extended lines, with no protection what- 
ever for the exposed flanks. As Gorman's Brigade 
had emerged from the AVest Woods General Early's 
scattered regiments had opened fire. Now came Mc- 
Laws' men to the re-enforcement. AValker's two 
brigades had already struck the exposed left flank, 
had hit the Pennsylvania regiment hard. Ransom's 
Brigade in part was advancing down the ravine on 
the north flank of the Thirty-fourth New York, and 
that regiment was almost between two Confederate 
lines. 

IMcLaws' brigades were deployed along the entire 
length, practically, of Sedgwick's Division. 

And now there w^as about twenty minutes of as 
desperate and deadly fighting as ever took place on 
a battlefield. The contending forces Avere not more 

*0u the map accompanying the History of the 
Fifteenth Massachusetts, page 191, the position of 
Walker's Division is given as on the left of the Con- 
federate line, while McLaws' is located as on the right, 
both north and west of the Dunker Church. These are 
errors. Walker's report, in the War Records, shows that 
his Division was on the Confederate right, next to D. H. 
Hill's, and McLaws' report proves that his Division was 
on the Confederate left, to the west of the Dunker 
Church. 

208 



THE BATTLE OF ANTIETAM 

than from 100 to 150 yards apart. The Union troops 
were unprotected; the Confederates were under fairly 
good covering. Both sides were about equally well 
(or illy) armed with old muzzle-loading muskets, 
using paper cartridges and percussion caps. If a 
soldier loaded and fired his gun once a minute, he 
made good time. 

The men had been at work perhaps 20 minutes; 
General Howard says they had fired from 30 to 40 
rounds, but General Gorman gives the number as 
from 40 to 50 rounds, when there was a sudden 
commotion on the left of the Brigade and of the 
Division. General "Walker's Division had struck. 

The first blow fell upon the One Hundred and 
Twenty-Fifth Pennsylvania, the nine month regiment 
of the Twelfth Corps, which had become fouled with 
the Thirty-Fourth New York. Col. Jacob Higgins, 
of the Pennsylvania regiment, reports that the Con- 
federates were advancing on his front in force and 
he commenced firing and checked them. "I held 
them here for some time, when I discovered two 
regiments of them moving around my right, while a 
brigade charged on my front. On looking around 
and finding no support in sight, I was compelled to 
retire. Had I remained in my position two minutes 
longer. I would have lost my whole command." 

The Thirty-Fourth New York was now cut off 
from Gorman's Brigade by the intervention of the 
Pennsylvania regiment and the two Confederate regi- 
ments on the right, and was also being flanked on 
the left. Colonel Suiter reports: 

"Fronting the pike road to Sharpsburg 
was a piece of timberland, into which I 
moved my command, still at double quick, 
arriving at about 20 yards in rear of a 
school house, (Dunker Church) when I dis- 

209 



THE FIRST ]\IINNESOTA 

covered the enemy under the hill. I immedi- 
ately ordered my command to fire. 

"From some cause to me unknown I had 
become detached from my brigade, the One 
Hundred and Twenty-Fifth Pennsylvania be- 
ing on my right. On my left and rear I was 
entirely unsupported by infantry or artillery. 
The enemy were in strong force at this point 
and poured a tremendous fire of musketry 
and artillery upon me. At this time I dis- 
covered that the enemy were making a move 
to flank me on the left. Lieutenant Howe* 
arriving at this time, I informed him of my 
suspicions. He replied that he thought they 
were our friends. Lieutenant Wallace went 
to the front to make what discovery he 
could and returned saying that the enemy 
Avere moving upon my left flank with a 
strong force. I turned and discovered Lieut. 
Richard Gorman, of General Gorman's staff, 
and requested him to inform the General 
that the enemy were flanking me. He im- 
mediately returned for that purpose. Pres- 
ently General Sedgwick arrived upon the 
ground. Moving down my line he discovered 
the situation of my command, and that the 
point could not be held by me and gave the 
order for me to retire, which I did. Rally- 
ing my command, I formed them in line of 
battle, supporting a battery some 400 yards 
in rear of the battlefield." 

From the reports it is reasonable to conclude that 
Kershaw's Brigade followed "Walker's and contributed 
to the flanking process against the left of Sedgwick's 
Division. They came against the Fifteenth Massa- 
chusetts, that day commanded by Lieut. Col. John 
W. Kimball, and this regiment, by the falling back 
of the Thirty-Fourth New York, was now on the 

*Lieut. Church Howe, Fifteenth Massachusetts, then 
aide to General Sedgwick. 

210 



r 



\ 



THE BATTLE OF ANTIETAM 

extreme left of Gorman's line. In his report Colonel 
Kimball writes: 

"The enemy soon appeared in heavy 
columns, advancing upon my left and rear, 
pouring in a deadly cross-fire on my left. I 
immediately and without orders ordered my 
command to retire, having first witnessed 
the same movement on the part of both the 
second (Dana's) and third (Howard's) lines. 
We retired slowly and in good order, bring- 
ing off our colors and a battle-flag captured 
from the enem}'', re-forming by the orders of 
General Gorman in a piece of woods some 
500 yards to the rear under cover of our 
artillery. ' ' 

But in an address before the Fifteenth Massa- 
chusetts Association on the field of Antietam, Sept. 
17, 1900, the 38th anniversary of the battle, and 
upon the dedication of its fine regimental monument, 
on the field. General Kimball made a more striking 
and a somewhat different statement of the breaking 
of the Union line. He said : 

"While the fighting was the fiercest, Gen- 
eral Sumner rode along the line, and halt- 
ing behind the Fifteenth, said to me, (I was 
on foot, my horse having been shot under 
me), 'Colonel, how goes the battle?' I re- 
plied: 'We are holding our ground and 
slowly gaining, but losing heavily, as you 
can see.' At that moment I discovered that 
the enemy had turned our flank, and was 
moving rapidly upon the left and rear of 
the Division, and I called General Sumner's 
attention to them. He could not believe it 
possible and said: 'Are you sure, Colonel, 
that it is the enemy?' I replied, 'I am sure.' 
His response was, 'My God! we must get 
out of this,' and rode to the left and rear, 
evidently intending to change the position 

211 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

of the other brigades to meet the enemy, but 
there was not time for such a movement." 

General AValker, in his History of the Second 
Army Corps, (p. 106) says: 

"At the moment the storm is breaking 
Sumner is riding along the rear of the lead- 
ing brigade, enjoying the furious fire of 
musketry and encouraging Gorman's regi- 
ments to a fresh advance. As he pauses a 
moment to converse with General Kimball, 
of the Fifteenth Massachusetts, Major 
(Chase) Philbrick calls attention to a large 
force of the enemy advancing from the left 
upon the flank of the Division, driving be- 
fore them some of Hooker's (Mansfield's) 
men (One Hundred and Twenty-Fifth Penn- 
sylvania?) who had still held to their ground 
in the woods around the Dunker Church. 
'My God,' exclaims Sumner, Sve must get 
out of this,' and he' dashes back to form 
Dana's and Howard's Brigades to meet this 
sudden and appalling danger. But there is 
not time." 

Walker's Division had charged the Union lines 
within a few minutes after coming up. McLaws was 
compelled to halt and fight for at least twenty 
minutes, then seeing the Union forces in commotion 
as they were changing formation, two or three 
brigades of his Division charged very bravely. 

Walker's men hurried around Colonel Higgins' 
and Colonel Suiter's regiments and dashed upon the 
left flank of Howard's (formerly Burns') Philadel- 
phia Brigade, the third line of Sedgwick's Division, 
and then swinging around, gained its rear. The left 
regiment, Baxter's Fire Zouaves, (Seventy-Second 
Pennsylvania) was crushed and driven out. Dana's 
Brigade, too, was in great confusion, and had been 
losing more than Gorman's and many more than 

212 



THE BATTLE OE^ ANTIETAM 

Howard's. It is always confusing to change the 
formation of a brigade, even on a level parade 
ground, but to make the change on a rough irregular 
and obstructed field, under a deadly fire, with men 
falling killed every second, is a thing involving 
dreadful entanglements. Sedgwick's Division was 
being re-formed to meet new conditions. 

"My God! We must get out of this!" 

Sumner, daunted at last, had given an order to 
retreat, something he had never done before ! 

Howard's regiments began to slip away to the 
rear, and Dana's Brigade became the rear line. 
Gorman's Brigade was still fighting in front, but 
under discouraging circumstances. Dana's regiments 
were crumbling. Dana himself had been badly 
wounded, but that was no time to leave the battle- 
field for a musket-ball wound, no matter how severe. 
He broke off the Tammany Regiment (Forty-Second 
New York) from the disorganized mass and made it 
"change front to the left" to meet the attack of 
Ransom's and Manning's Brigades of "Walker and 
Kershaw's of McLaws; but while the regiment was 
in the confusion incident to the movement and was 
trying to connect with the Seventh Michigan, here 
came the Confederates and poured upon the two 
regiments a fire which Dana said was "the most 
terrific" he ever witnessed. The two regiments con- 
tinued to fight, however, until half their number was 
disabled. The Forty-Second New York lost 181 
officers and men; the Seventh Michigan, 221. 

The casualties in Gorman's Brigade had been 
heavy. The regiments had been drilled and trained 
to present solid lines to the front in battle instead 
of "taking intervals" and fighting in open order, 
and now they were suffering from their training. A 
shot fired at Sedgwick's Division would hit it some- 

213 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

where and hurt somebody. The Division was as easy 
to hit as the town of Sharpsburg. The Confederates 
were "scattered out;" a hundred of them would 
"string out" for more than a quarter of a mile or 
cover an acre. 

Sumner had said the Division "must get out of 
this" and it was getting out. Gorman's Brigade was 
the farthest forward of any other Union command, 
and yet this Brigade was the last to leave. It did 
so in perfect order. General Sedgwick himself, when 
he saw that the Thirty-Fourth New York was flanked, 
ordered Colonel Suiter to take away that regiment. 

The idea was to march the whole brigade away 
from the front of Dana's Brigade and let that com- 
mand be the front line and engage the enemy. At 
the time Gorman did not realize that both Dana's 
and Howard's Brigades had gone to pieces and were 
well nigh demolished, and that his own Thirty- 
Fourth New York had left the field by Sedgwick's 
orders. 

So Colonel Sully led away the First Minnesota 
through the woods to the open ground on the north. 
Colonel Hudson followed with the Eighty-Second New 
York. Then Lieutenant Colonel Kimball, seeing that 
he was entirely alone on the field except for the 
charging Confederates, had sense enough to order 
himself to take away the good old Fifteenth Massa- 
chusetts, which he did decently and in order. A 
Confederate battle flag (of the First Texas?) taken 
from the enemy was carried along, but more than 
300 killed and wounded of the regiment were left 
behind. 

Colonel Sully was very good at making history 
but very poor at writing it. His report of the 
services of the First Minnesota at Antietam, as else- 
where, is very incomplete and nearly barren of de- 

214 



THE BATTLE OF ANTIETAM 

tails and real information. One cannot understand 
from his report alone what the First Minnesota did, 
or what was meant by certain maneuvers. However 
we know from other reliable authorities that the 
Eegiment retreated to the north end of the woods 
about the Dunker Church, then halted and faced 
about to hold back the enemy. Colonel Hudson 
formed the Eighty-Second New York on Sully's right 
or west ; soon came the Nineteenth Massachusetts, of 
Dana's Brigade, and formed on the left or east. The 
Nineteenth was now another derelict regiment afloat 
on a bloody sea, without compass or rudder and with 
no organization to look to for support. It was glad 
to stand beside its old comrade regiments of the 
Ball's Bluff days. Its Colonel, Ed AV. Hinks, had 
been badly wounded and Lieutenant Colonel Dev- 
ereux was in command. Soon the three regiments 
were in line fronting Semmes' Brigade. 

In a few seconds here came the Confederates of 
Semmes' and Barksdale's Brigades. The fight was 
short but very hot and bloody. In a few minutes — 
during which time Colonel Sully says the First Min- 
nesota "suffered greatly in killed and wounded" — 
the three regiments had to retreat again. They made 
a brief stand near Nicodemus' log farm house, then 
went farther back 125 yards and took up a good safe 
position behind a strong stone fence. 

''Here," Col. Sully says, "a section of artillery 
was sent to assist us." This was Kirby's Battery, 
so long attached to Gorman's Brigade. It was the 
full battery, not ''a section." Lieut. Geo. A. "Wood- 
ruff commanded it that day. It went into position 
in the field opposite the north end of the Dunker 
Church woods and opened with canister on the 
pursuing Confederates and helped to check them. 
"We kept the enemy in check," says Colonel Sully, 

215 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

''till they brought a battery of artillery on our flank, 
which compelled me to order the regiments back to 
join our line of battle." This battery which was 
brought up on the Union flanks was Poague's "Rock- 
bridge battery," of three 12-pound Napoleons, now 
serving with Stuart's artillerj^ battalion on the Nico- 
demus plateau, which was on Colonel Sully's right 
or west flank.* Where the line of battle was, to 
which the Colonel ordered the regiments "back to 
join" he does not give the slightest hint; but with- 
out doubt it was the position described by General 
Gorman in his report, as "the woods, on the left and 
east of the turnpike, where I found the entire Brigade 
at a distance of 400 yards from the original posi- 
tion." By "original position" is perhaps meant the 
position at the East Woods, east of the Dunker 
Church. 

At the Nicodemus stone fence the Thirty-Fourth 
New York came up, and after a time the Brigade, 
now quite re-constructed, but with quite too many 
men "missing," moved still further back a mile or 
so to the Joseph Poffenberger farm. This farm had 
been occupied by General Hooker and his Corps the 
night before, and here now were two of his Divisions, 
Meade's and Ricketts, ' once great and powerful, but 
now demoralized and inefficient. Doubleday's Division 
was also near by. Here too were Mansfield's two 
Divisions, the Twelfth Corps, in similar conditions to 
Hooker's. Sedgwick's Division came up, and as a 
whole it was not in much better condition than either 

*Poagu6's Confederate battery called the Rockbridge 
Artillery was from Lexington, Rockbridge county, Virginia. 
Among the privates in this company at the time of the 
battle of Antietam was Robert E. Lee, Jr., the 17-year- 
old son of the General. The boy served as a private 
nearly one year; then was sergeant, and finally, in 1864, 
became a lieutenant and a cavalry staff officer. 

216 



THE BATTLE OF ANTIETAM 

of the Divisions of the First and Twelfth Corps. 

Of the condition of the Division on the retreat, 
and especially of Sully's line at Nicodemus' stone 
fence when Stuart's battery disturbed it, General 
McClellan testifies. He says he was present and in 
his "Own Story" (p. 606) says: 

"When I was on the right on the after- 
noon of the 17th I found the troops a good 
deal shaken — that is, some of them who had 
been in the early part of the action. Even 
Sedgwick's Division commenced giving way. 
I had to ride in and rally them myself. 
Sedgwick had been carried off severely 
wounded." 

In his first official report General McClellan also 
wrote : 

"Toward the middle of the afternoon, pro- 
ceeding to the right, I found that Sumner's, 
Hooker's and Mansfield's Corps had met 
with serious losses. * * * One Division of 
General Sumner's (Sedgwick's) and all of 
General Hooker's Corps on the right, had. 
after fighting most valiantly for several 
hours, been driven back in great disorder, 
and much scattered, so that they were for 
the time somewhat demoralized. * * * One 
Division of Sumner's Corps (Sedgwick's) 
had also been overpowered and was a good 
deal scattered and demoralized. It was not 
deemed by its Corps commander in proper 
condition to attack the enemy vigorously the 
next day." 

But Gorman's Brigade was, as a brigade, in fine 
order considering the circumstances. The First Min- 
nesota and the Fifteenth Massachusetts were in ad- 
mirable form. The two New York regiments were 
not in perfect shape, but, in two days, only a few 
men were unaccounted for or missing. Howard's 

217 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Pennsylvanians and Dana's brigade were really in 
bad condition. But as to the First Minnesota Colonel 
Sully reported: 

"The officers and men of the Regiment 
behaved nobly and it was with some diffi- 
culty T got some of them to obey the order 
to fall back." 

General Gorman notes the "coolness and accur- 
acy" of the firing done by the Regiment and its 
effectiveness and his report shows that it never re- 
tired except when ordered. 

Colonel Hudson, Eighty-Second New York, which 
regiment attached itself to the First Minnesota on the 
retreat, reports that the two regiments retired every 
time in good order and "slowly left the field." 
General Howard, who commanded the Division after 
General Sedgwick retired, said: 

"The following officers were successful in 
drawing off their regiments without break- 
I ing: Colonel Sully, First Minnesota; Colonel 
/ Hinks and Lieutenant Colonel Devereux, 
J Nineteenth Massachusetts, and Colonel Hall, 
Seventh Michigan. I noticed General Gor- 
man at his post near his command while it 
was retiring and he remained Avith it during 
the rest of the day, inspiriting his men by 
his remarks and calling upon them to sus- 
tain their reputation." 

General McClellan, in his revised and more elab- 
orate report made in August, 1863, said in writing of 
the retreat of Sedgwick's Division: 

"General Gorman's Brigade and one regi- 
/ ment (Nineteenth Massachusetts*) of Gen- 

*The First Minnesota was on the extreme right of 
Gorman's Brigade in the front line. The Nineteenth 
Massachusetts was on the extreme right of Dana's Brigade 
in the second line, immediately behind the First Minne- 

218 



THE BATTLE OF ANTIETAM 

eral Dana's soon rallied and gallantly- 
checked the advance of the enemy on the 
right." 

But General Gorman's Brigade was not demoral- 
ized or scattered. The whole number reported 
"missing," which included the skedaddlers, (but also 
meant men that ivere taken prisoners) was but 66; 
the First Minnesota, three days after the battle, had 
21 missing and of these 6 were believed to have been 
taken prisoners. 

Back at Joe Poffenberger's farm, the First Min- 
nesota rested comfortably behind a snug fence dur- 
ing the afternoon and evening of the 17th. The 
Division was under a scattering fire from Stuart's 
forces, down on the Nicodemus farm, nearly all the 
time. A number of Stuart's Cavalry were merely 
mounted infantry armed with muskets; the rest had 
good carbines. Stuart kept out skirmishers who 
pecked steadily away at the Union lines. 

The night after the battle was not a restful one. 
Each army had out a strong picket line and the 
pickets were spatting at one another all night. The 
Minnesotians were too far away from where they 
had fought to visit their dead and wounded com- 
rades, who were now either within the Confederate 
lines or between the two hostile forces, and under 
fire all the time, but on the 18th they buried their 
dead and cared for their wounded as did both 
armies under an armistice. How the poor Union 
wounded suffered! Many a valuable man's life 

sota. When the break to the rear came. Captain Wey- 
mouth, commanding the Nineteenth, reports: "The Min- 
nesota was the last regiment in its line to leave the posi- 
tion and was immediately followed by the Nineteenth." 
Soon the two regiments were together on the fighting line. 
Colonel Hinks of the Nineteenth, was badly wounded here. 

219 



/ 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

could have been saved if he could have been reached 
and ministered to that night. 

That night Lee and his army retreated, taking off 
everything that was in good order. The route was 
by a rough road running south from Sharpsburg a 
mile or so to the Potomac and the crossing was at 
Boteler's ford and at Shepherdstown. The wagons 
and most of the artillery went first. The infantry 
waded the river; Fitzhugh Lee's brigade of Stuart's 
Cavalry guarded the rear. 

The mo^'ement was made so rapidly and the Con- 
federates slipped away so quietly, although taking a 
lot of their wounded with them, that McClellan did 
not discover what they had done until next morning 
at daylight. He had ordered another attack on 
the 19th. 

All day on the 18th he had his batteries massed 
on the ridge on the east side of the Antietam near 
the Burnside bridge, expecting an attack from the 
Confederates in that quarter. 

The nominal list of the First Minnesota gives 
one officer and 15 privates killed and 1 private mor- 
tally wounded, a total of 17 lives lost; 5 officers and 
64 privates wounded, and 21 privates missing, a total 
of 107 killed, wounded, and missing, not including 
the Sharpshooters. The officer killed was Capt. 
Gustavus Adolphus Holtzborn, commanding Company 
K, the Winona Company. Among the wounded were 
Capt. D. C. Smith, of Company D, the Minneapolis 
Company, who received a severe wound in the thigh; 
Capt. George Pomeroy and Lieuts. J. H. Shepley and 
M. F. Taylor, Company E, the St. Anthony Com- 
pany; Capt. Chas. P. Adams, Company H, the Hast- 
ings Company, and Sergt. Major E. S. Past, who was 
discharged for disability from wounds. The Regi- 
ment loss was less than that of any other in the 

220 



THE BATTLE OF ANTIETAM 

brigade as it was on the extreme right and hence not 
exposed to the enemy's heaviest fire, which was 
mainly directed upon the Fifteenth Massachusetts. 

Captain Russell's Company, L, Second Minnesota 
Sharpshooters, had 21 men wounded, one dying of 
his wound later. The company took 42 men into the 
fight and its loss was therefore 50 per cent. 

Of the strength of the Regiment on entering the 
fight, Col. Sully says: "We marched into the action 
with 435 men. This includes the Second Minnesota 
Sharpshooters, but not Company I; that company 
was not with us." 

All the same three men of Company I were 
wounded in the battle, and two of them, Chas. Nassig 
and Milo S. AVhitcomb, were discharged on account 
of their wounds. Adding the sharpshooters' loss of 
21 wounded to the Regiment's casualty list gives a 
total loss of 128 killed, wounded, and missing. The 
Government Records (War Recs., Vol. 12, part 1, p. 
192) give the total at 90, but these figures are from 
imperfect reports furnished soon after the battle. 

COLOR-SERGEANT BLOOMER'S ADVENTURE. 

Among the wounded recovered was Sam Bloomer, 
of Company B, the Stillwater Company, the regi- 
mental color bearer, whose right knee was shattered 
by a musket ball, while resting the flagstaff on a 
fence at the Hagerstown pike. He crawled into the 
West Woods, near the Dunker Church, and sheltered 
himself behind an oak tree until the battle was over, 
earing for his wound as best he could. 

After Sedgwick's Division left the field, Sergeant 
Bloomer was assisted by some Confederates, who 
piled cordwood about him as a breastwork. These 
Confederates were of the First Georgia Regulars, of 
"Tige" Anderson's Brigade, which had been sent up 

221 



THE FIRST LIINNESOTA 

by General Longstreet to help Hood. The brigade 
was driven away by Sedgwick's advance (chiefly by 
the firing of Gorman's Brigade) and Sergeant 
Bloomer's friends had become separated from their 
regiment. One Confederate officer abused the wound- 
ed and helpless soldier and took away his sword and 
revolver; but Stonewall Jackson rode by and spoke 
kindly to him. 

In 1901 Sam Bloomer, who had his leg amputated 
at the David Hoffman barn, on the Antietam battle- 
field, corresponded with W. H. Andrews, formerly 
first sergeant of Company M, First Georgia Regulars, 
one of the Confederates that assisted him when he 
lay wounded in the Dunker Church woods. Mr. An- 
drews, in 1901, lived at Sugar Valley, Gordon County, 
Georgia. The correspondence is interesting and is 
preserved in Sam Bloomer's scrap book, in the Still- 
water Public Library. It corroborates the official 
evidence that Geo. T. Anderson's Brigade assisted 
Hood's Division in defending the Dunker Church 
woods against Sedgwick's attack. The First Georgia 
Regulars and the Eighth Georgia, mentioned by Ser- 
geant Andrews, were regiments in the brigade of 
Geo. T. (or ''Tige") Anderson. 



222 



CHAPTER XXVIT. 

FROM ANTIETAM TO LOUDOUN VALLEY. 

ON THE evening of September 18 the Confeder- 
ates began slipping their wagon trains and some 
of their artillery across the Potomac by the numerous 
fords and crossings in the vicinity of Shepherdstown. 
The principal crossing was just below Shepherds- 
town by Boteler's or Blackford^s ford. Shepherdstown 
is on the West A^irginia side of the Potomac and 
about two miles south of Sharpsburg, and therefore 
from two to four miles from the Antietam battle- 
field. The Potomac in this vicinitj^ was then about 
300 yards wide but only about three feet deep. The 
infantry waded it and every wheeled vehicle passed 
it without difficulty. The whole Confederate army 
except the wounded was across by the morning of 
the 19th. Shepherdstown then, like Sharpsburg, was 
populated very largely by Confederate wounded, 
every building being a hospital. 

Fitzhugh Lee's brigade of Virginia Cavalry pro- 
tected the rear of the direct retreat, but Hampton's 
and Munford's brigades of Stuart's Cavalry crossed 
into Virginia at an obscure ford and then went up 
the river 15 miles to Williamsport, and re-crossed 
into Maryland. Stuart apparently threatened to go 
back and attack the Union forces in the rear of 
Antietam battlefield. This was a "bluff" to draw 
away a part of the pursuit after Lee's weak army. 
It did not wholly succeed. Couch's Division of 7,000 
was sent up to Williamsport and soon drove away 
the Confederate cavalry, but this did not interfere 
with MeClellan's other movements. 

In the evening of the 19th the Confederates moved 

223 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

out from Shepherdstown on the road leading to Mar- 
tinsburg. Their affairs were in bad shape. Wagons 
full of wounded but empty as to provisions; ammuni- 
tion very scarce ; the spirits of the men very low. 
The leading officers were happy. No attack worthy 
the name had been made against them on the 18th 
and not a trigger drawn against their re-crossing the 
Potomac back into the welcoming embraces of "Ole 
Virginny. " Lawton's shattered brigade was left on 
the high bluffs of the Potomac, near Shepherdstown, 
in support of some batteries. 

In the afternoon of the 19th, when McClellan con- 
cluded to pursue Lee, Porter's Corps — being fresh 
and unhurt — was selected to lead the pursuit. Gen- 
eral Griffin took a part of his brigade and crossed 
the river, scaled the high bluffs, and captured a few 
pieces of artillery, Lawton's played-out men making 
but little fight. Griffin returned to the Maryland 
side. Next morning Sykes' and Morell's Divisions 
crossed. 

The Confederates were four miles on the way to 
Martinsburg Avhen Sykes and Morell crossed. At 
once A. P. Ilill and Early with nine small brigades 
were sent back. In the fight that resulted Barnes' 
Brigade of Morell was engaged on the Union side 
and defeated by Hill's and Early's brigades. 

For four days after the great and bloody passage 
at arms at Antietam the First Minnesota remained in 
camp on the battlefield. It was engaged in burying 
the dead, in picket duty, and in reconnaissances un- 
til September 22. On the 21st Rev. Henry B. Whip- 
ple, afterwards the well known bishop of the Episco- 
pal church, visited the regiment and made an inter- 
esting address to the men. 

The Twelfth Corps, now commanded by General 
Williams, marched down and occupied Maryland 

224 




COl^. GEO. N. MOKGAN, 
The Fourth Colonel of the Regiment. 



FROM ANTIETAI\r TO LOUDOUN VALLEY 

Heights, near Harper's Ferry on the 20th. MeClel- 
lan was ostensibly preparing to follow Lee and Jack- 
son. At daylight on the 22d the First IMinnesota 
broke camp at Antietam and marched to Harper's 
Ferry, ten miles away to the south. The Regiment 
encamped on Bolivar Heights, with the rest of Gor- 
man's Brigade. General Sumner, with the Second 
Corps, was in general command at Harper's Ferry. 
It was determined that the Union occupation of this 
important point should be permanent, and to prevent 
any more captures of the place the three command- 
ing points, Maryland, Bolivar and Loudoun Heights, 
were strongly fortified. 

COLONEL SULLY BECOMES A BRIGADIER — LIEUTEN- 
ANT COLONEL MORGAN BECOMES COLONEL. 

To date from September 26, Colonel Sully was 
promoted to brigadier general of volunteers. Lieut. 
Col. Geo. N. Morgan was promoted to the Colonelcy 
of the regiment in General Sully's stead, and to rank 
as such from Nov. 14, 1862 ; Colonel Morgan had 
previously ranked as lieutenant colonel from Octo- 
ber 22. Major Wm. Colvill became lieutenant colonel 
in Colonel Morgan's place, having been major since 
September 17, when Lieutenant Colonel Miller had 
been succeeded by Colonel Sully; Major Colvill was 
originally captain of Company F, the Red "Wing 
Company. Capt. Chas. P. Adams, of Company H., 
the Hastings Company, was promoted to major to 
take rank from September 26. 

Colonel Morgan had gone out as captain of Com- 
pany E, the St. Anthony Company, and had passed 
regularly tlirough the grades of major and lieutenant 
colonel. He was a very efficient officer in all respects, 
but unfortunately he was in poor health and unable 
to command at all times, and at last was forced ta 

225 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

resign from the service, May 5, 1863. 

Gen. John Sedgwick never returned to his divi- 
sion after he was wounded at Antietam. When he 
rejoined the army he was placed in command of the 
Sixth Corps. He was succeeded in the command of 
the Second Division by Gen. Oliver 0. Howard, who 
had been in command of the Third Brigade. He did 
not assume the position immediately and for some 
days the Division was commanded by General Gor- 
man, who was succeeded in the command of the First 
Brigade by General Sully. When the latter made 
up his staff he selected as one of his aides Lieut. 
Josias R. King, who had been serving as adjutant of 
the First Minnesota for some time. 

The Regiment with the brigade, remained on Boli- 
var Heights for about six weeks. When it first came 
the men were in need of clothing; the three weeks 
of marching and campaigning from Washington to 
Harper's Ferry had been hard on the uniforms. But 
in a little while new clothing was received, the men 
were paid off, and happiness was general throughout 
the camps. 

October 1st President Lincoln reviewed the troops 
at Harper's Ferry and thoroughly inspected the 
place. General McClellan accompanied him. At this 
time the General still maintained his headquarters at 
Antietam and the President visited him there and 
was his guest. Together, the General and the Presi- 
dent rode over the battlefields of South Mountain 
and Antietam and McClellan explained the contests 
from his viewpoint. 

BRAVE OLD GENERAL SUMNER LEAVES THE SECOND 

CORPS. 

October 7 the noble old commander of the Second 
Corps, Maj. Gen. Edwin Vose Sumner, was, on his 

226 



FROM ANTIETAM TO LOUDOUN VALLEY 

application, granted a leave of absence which in- 
volved his surrendering the command of the Corps. 
He was succeeded by Maj. Gen. Darius N. Couch, 
who in front of Richmond had commanded a Division 
in Keyes' Fourth Corps to whose timely relief the 
First Minnesota and Gorman's Brigade came at the 
battle of Fair Oaks. A few weeks before General 
Couch's Division had been transferred to Porter's 
Fifth Corps. General Couch assumed his Corps com- 
mand on the 9th. He was a small man, slightly built 
and very quiet in his manners. He was a brave 
man and without being a great general he was a 
very good one and withal a faithful soldier. 

Ever since Antietam, when Sedgwick's Division 
gave way, General Sumner had been depressed and 
disconsolate. General "Walker was adjutant general 
of the Second Corps and very intimate with General 
Sumner. In his history of the Second Corps, page 
117, General "Walker says of the old hero: "He was 
heartbroken at the terrible fate of the splendid Divi- 
sion on which he had so much relied, which he had 
deemed invincible, and his proximity to the disaster 
had been so close as to convey a shock to his system 
from which he had not recovered." 

Although General Sumner had himself ordered 
the Division away from the field, saying: "My God! 
We must get out of this," yet he claimed that he 
did so because he saw that the regiments were in 
disorder and not disposed to fight the enemy with 
proper bravery and desperation, and that they would 
soon be suffering far worse than they then were. 
General Sedgwick had been so badly wounded that 
at last he had to leave the field; his cousin, (who was 
also his ad.jutant general) IMa.i. W. D. Sedgwick, was 
mortally hurt, dying in a few hours ; General Dana 
and a lot of other good officers had been seriously 

227 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

wounded and many had been killed, and now the 
good regiments on whom he relied were broken and 
bleeding almost at every pore. Then the sudden 
appearance on the left flank of Walker's Confederates 
yelling and slaying, without being sufficiently resisted 
— these disasters demoralized him and he gave the 
order to "get out of this." 

This great old warrior, the American Blueher, the 
Yankee "Marshal Forward," sank in spirits and in 
health after Antietam. His 65 years of active life 
began to tell on him. He came back to the army 
in the first week of November and was soon given 
command of Burnside's "Right Grand Division," 
composed of the Second and Ninth Corps, and fought 
it as well as possible at Fredericksburg. The ill 
success and the fatigue of that criminal operation 
hurt him in mind and heart and frame. He was re- 
lieved from active service a month after Fredericks- 
burg and soon after appointed to the command of 
the Department of Missouri. He was on his way to 
his command when by serious illness he was forced 
to stop at Syracuse, N. Y. Here he languished until 
March 21, when, having lived nobly, he died bravely. 
Fifteen minutes before his spirit took flight he 
roused himself from sleep and extending his hand 
cried out exultantly: "The Second Corps never lost 
a flag or a cannon!"* The attendants ran to his 
bedside and he said to them: "That is true — never 
lost one." Then he sank into a seeming stupor. The 
attendants raised his head and handed him a glass of 
wine and asked him to drink it. With great effort 
he waved the glass above his head and uttered this 

*A common version is that the old general said: 
"The Second Corps never lost a color or a gun," but the 
quotation ahove is from an eye and ear witness. — See 
American Encyclopedia. 

228 



FROM ANTIETAM TO LOUDOUN VALLEY 

sentiment: "God save my country, the United States 
of America." He took the wine at one draught. Then 
he lay back, the glass loosened from his fingers and 
in two minutes he was dead. 

October 16th, while the greater part of the army 
was on the Maryland side of the Potomac, General 
McClellan sent out two important reconnaissances to 
"feel the enemy." General Humphreys took his Di- 
vision, 500 cavalry and a battery, in all 6,000, and 
went from Sharpsburg to Smithfield, Va., via Shep- 
herdstown and Kearnysville. He found plenty of 
Confederates and had a light skirmish with a small 
force at Kearnysville, losing three killed. 

The same day. General Hancock took Richard- 
son's old Division which he now commanded — 1,500 
men of other divisions, under Colonel Lee, of the 
Twentieth Massachusetts, some cavalry, and Tomp- 
kins' Rhode Island battery, and went from Harper's 
I Ferry ten miles to westward to Charlestown, the 
county seat of Jefferson county and where John 
Brown was tried and executed. This was another 
effort to "ascertain the whereabouts of the enemy," 
and when his "whereabouts" were ascertained then 
his "which-aways" were to be looked into. 
j The First Minnesota went on this expedition. It 
belonged to Colonel Lee's command and there were 
with it the Twentieth Massachusetts, Seventh Michi- 
gan, the Forty-second and Fifty-ninth New York, and 
the Seventy-first and Seventy-second Pennsylvania, 
the last two named being respectively known as the 
California Regiment and Baxter's Fire Zouaves. The 
First ]\Iinnesota was under command of Colonel 
Morgan, and was detached for skirmishing during 
the reconnaissance. 

Charlestown was reached in due time and there 
was a little skirmishing with Colonel Munford's 

229 



THE FIEST MINNESOTA 

brigade of four regiments of Virginia Cavalry and 
one gun of Chew's battery and three guns of the 
Richmond Howitzers. The latter were under Capt. 
B. H. Smith, of Richmond, and he fought them so 
I pluekily as to win Hancock's and everybody else's 
praise. 

Munford's command was soon driven away and 
General Hancock occupied Charlestown until the after- 
noon of the next day. Captain Smith, the brave 
artillerist, and about 100 Confederates wounded at 
Antietam, with surgeons, nurses, etc., were found in 
the town and paroled, and 28 stragglers rounded up 
and taken back to Harper's Ferry. General Hancock 
learned that Lee's army was still in the Valley en- 
camped along Opequan Creek, from seven to ten 
miles west of Charlestown. The command returned 
to Harper's Ferry on the 18th. It encamped at Hall- 
town, five miles east of Charlestown the night of the 
17th. ("War Recs.) No casualties were reported on 
the Union side. Colonel Munford said he had two 
killed and three wounded in his batteries and several 
cavalry were wounded. 

Lochren says that at Charlestown the Confederates 
''shelled us furiously as we advanced toward the 
town, but retired before our infantry about four 
miles beyond that place." Munford was pursued be- 
yond Charlestown by the infantry and Lochren 
says: "Night and heavy rain coming on we started 
to return (from the pursuit) in intense darkness, in 
which our guides lost their way and the most of the 
night was spent in comfortless wandering, not reach- 
ing Charlestown until near day." Colonel Lee, the 
commander of the temporary brigade, to which the 
First Minnesota was attached on the expedition, re- 
ported : ' ' The troops under my command were not 
engaged with the enemy but their behavior was in 

230 



FEOM ANTIETAM TO LOUDOUN VALLEY 

every respect perfectly satisfactory." 

About the 4th of October, Sully's Brigade was 
joined by a new regiment, the Nineteenth Maine, Col. 
Frederick D. Sewall. It was one of the new regi- 
ments recruited and organized in August and came 
out with the new levy under the President's call for 
300,000 more, "shouting the battle cry of freedom." 
Nearly all of the new regiments organized under 
this call in the Eastern and Middle States came to 
the Army of the Potomac, and as has been noted 
some of them came in time to take part in the bat- 
tle of Antietam. The Nineteciath Maine was a splen- 
> did regiment, nearly 900 strong. It was badly needed 
by the Brigade, which had lost nearly 800 of its 
members at Antietam. Twenty-one other new in- 
fantry regiments came to McClellan's army about 
this time. 

On the 26th of October the extreme advance of 
that part of McClellan's army on the Maryland side 
of the Potomac began crossing that river on a pon- 
toon bridge at Berlin, five miles below Harper's 
Ferry. The crossing was well under way on the 
29th. The Sixth Corps was the last to cross on 
November 2. 

The Second Corps, to which the First Minnesota 
belonged, and which formed the head of McClellan's 
great infantry column, crossed the Shenandoah at 
Harper's Ferry, October 30, and, passing around the 
base of Loudoun Heights in Loudoun Valley, moA^ed 
southward nearly to Hill Grove, encamping that 
night in the woods. 

This first day of the march was very hot. The 
Nineteenth Maine, inexperienced in campaigning, had 
an uncomfortable experience. Its men were newly 
recruited and had large outfits of clothing. Their 
knapsacks were stuffed on the inside and covered 

231 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

with articles strapped and tied on the outside. As 
the march progressed the burdens grew heavier, and 
finally, in order to lighten them so as to be able to 
march at all, the men began throwing their clothing 
away to the sides of the road. First the overcoats 
went, then the extra blankets, then trousers, etc., un- 
til finally the men were in good sensible marching 
order. 

The First Minnesota and the other older regiments 
had gone through about the same experience that the 
Maine boys now met, and had profited by it. Loch- 
ren says: "As our regiment marched next behind the 
Maine regiment, with light knapsacks, and were well 
seasoned to fatigue, the men picked up the discarded 
new overcoats and much other clothing and before 
night were fully supplied for the cold weather which 
set in a week afterward." The Maine boys soon 
learned, as their older comrades had,, not to draw 
clothing when expecting marching orders. 

The last day of October was spent pleasantly by 
the greater part of the Brigade in picket duty and 
scouting up among the Blue Ridge mountains. Mc- 
Clellan made shrewd demonstrations against the gaps 
in the Blue Ridge mountains as if he meant to pass 
them and go westward and attack Lee and Jackson 
on the Occoquan. The passage of the Blue Ridge 
range could be made only at the gaps, which were 
not plentiful or always where they were desired. 
Every important gap was now defended by a detach- 
ment of Stuart's cavalry, with occasionally a small 
party of infantry. 

November 1 Gorman's Division occupied Gregory's 
Gap in the Blue Ridge, 13 miles south of Harper's 
Ferry. Sunday morning, November 2, the Brigade 
marched on and bivouacked in line of battle during 
the night in front of Snicker's Gap, which is 18 miles 

232 



FROM ANTIETAM TO LOUDOUN VALLEY 

south of Harper's Ferry. A part of Hancock's Di- 
vision held the Gap. At first the Confederate Cavalry 
did not offer much opposition to the capture of the 
Gap, but after it was occupied they came back to 
regain it; a few rounds from two batteries drove 
them away. 

At the east of Snicker's Gap is the little hamlet 
of Snickersville, named for its founder, Col. George 
Snicker, who graded and improved the gap under 
a charter from the Virginia Legislature in Colonial 
times. On the 3d the Division moved about ten miles 
south to Upperville, four miles east of Ashby's Gap, 
another noted pass through the Blue Ridge, 28 miles 
south of Harper's Ferry. Hancock's Division was 
left at Snickersville. On the 4th Sully's Brigade 
moved westward from Upperville to Paris, a little 
village at the east end of Ashbj^'s Gap. Upperville 
now has a population of 350 and Paris of 168; each 
was nearly as large during the war. 

The Confederates were preparing for a fight at 
Ashby's Gap and Gorman's Division and some cavalry 
moved against them. Approaching the Gap a line 
of battle was formed and skirmishers were thrown 
out. The batteries shelled the woods in front, the 
Fifteenth Massachusetts rushed and carried an im- 
portant hill, and it seemed as if a battle were im- 
minent. A heavy reserve occupied the hill and the 
pickets were thrown out half a mile beyond. The 
small Confederate force retired after developing the 
Union force and the next morning at 9 o'clock the 
Division was in unopposed and undisputed possession 
of Ashby's Gap. These demonstrations of McClel- 
lan against the gaps were, as has been said, merely 
deceptions. 

Gorman's Brigade stayed in Paris until Novem- 
ber 6. After the train had passed, the brigade fol- 

233 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

lowed as rear guard. Some sutlers that remained 
at the Gap to trade with the citizens were captured 
and their possessions confiscated by a dash of Stuart's 
Cavalry that had lurked in the rear watching for 
an opportunity to damage the Yankees without much 
risk to themselves. The Brigade remained in a com- 
manding position, only a few miles from Ashby's 
Gap until November 8. 

The march of the Brigade and Division, after 
it passed the Blue Ridge to the east near Harper's 
Ferry, down to Upperville and Paris, was through 
the famous Loudoun County. This county is nearly 
30 miles long by from 20 to 25 miles wide, and its 
northern and northeastern boundary is the Potomac. 
i Leesburg, near Edwards Ferry and Ball's Bluff, is 
J the county seat. The great Loudoun Valley was then 
a beautiful and fertile country with pleasant villages 
and thrifty farms. It had never been overrun by the 
Union troops, but the Confederates had made fre- 
quent requisitions upon it. 

The people were mainly of Confederate sym- 
pathies and hated Yankees intensely although a ma- 
jority of them had never seen one in all their lives. 
Nearly all the able-bodied men were in the Con- 
federate army either as volunteers or conscripts. The 
county is largely hilly and mountainous, and in the 
mountain districts were plenty of Union men, most- 
ly of the poorer class. About 200 citizens of Loudoun 
County served in the Union army, and Capt. Sam 
Means' company, the ''Loudoun Rangers," performed 
valuable services as scouts and raiders, frequently 
routing Confederate detachments and on two or three 
occasions defeated Mosby's men. In 1863 and 1864 
Loudoun County was the scene of almost daily raids 
and encounters between Mosby's and other Con- 
federates and detachments of Union cavalry. 

234 



FROM ANTIETAM TO liOUDOUN VALLEY 

South of Loudoun, with the boundary running 
east and west a few hundred yards north of Paris 
and Upperville, is Fauquier County, whose county 
seat, about the center of the county, is "Warrenton. 
Fauquier is largely a replica of Loudoun County, and 
it too in 1862 had fine farms with bountiful supplies 
for an army. These counties were often bragged 
about by the Confederates as examples of the high 
state of civilization generally prevalent throughout 
the Confederacy. The country was well enough, but 
not nearly so finely developed, attractive, and pros- 
perous as scores of the older counties of Minnesota 
today. The so-called "plantations" were not so well 
kept and so valuable as thousands of farms in the 
North Star State have been for twenty years, and 
the dwelling houses of the wealthiest planters were 
not superior in any respect to very many of the 
residences of our Minnesota farmers. The ideal and 
much written of "magnificent plantations and pala- 
tial residences" in the South were almost mythical, 
and at least few and far apart. 

But Loudoun and Faquier Counties abounded in 
things more attractive to McClellan's soldiers than 
fine plantations and attractive manor houses. The 
farms still maintained fat cattle, pigs, sheep and 
poultry, all belonging to the enemy and fair spoil for 
the Union soldiers — as fair as was the property of 
the L^nion Marylanders to Lee's men. In particular 
the country abounded in nice fat sheep, to the rais- 
ing of which the rolling and hilly country was well 
adapted. 

There were stringent orders against foraging on 
the country, notwithstanding it was as Confederate 
in sympathy as South Carolina. Nothwithstanding 
any of the owners of these flocks and herds would 
have exultantly shot the general or any of his men 

235 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

in the back if they could have done so without dis- 
covery; and notwithstanding the Confederate forces 
had been and would continue to be supplied with 
meat from Faquier and Loudoun, yet the Union 
soldiers were forbidden to take any sort of supplies 
from the hostile people through whom they marched. 
This order was made to preserve the discipline of 
the troops, rather than to protect the property of 
Southern people. 

But these orders were not invariably obeyed. In 
particular there was a craving for the savory and 
fresh mutton so plentiful in the country and so easily 
obtained. In his history of the Second Army Corps, 
(p. 134) referring to the situation at this time, Gen. 
Francis A. Walker says : 

"Although this Avas one of the best dis- 
ciplined commands of the army, with a high 
repute for good order, a mania now seized 
the troops for killing sheep. When the fat 
and fleecy flocks of the country through 
^ which we were now called to pass came in 
sight, discipline for the moment gave way, 
at least so far as mutton was concerned. In 
vain did officers storm and swear; in vain 
was the saber used freely over the heads 
of the offenders who were caught; in vain, 
even, did the provost guard of one division 
fire ball cartridges from the road at their 
comrades crossing a field on a sheep foray. 
By order of General Couch, every evening 
upon coming into camp three courts, one in 
each division, were in session with sheep 
raiders before them. Sharp and summary 
Avere the punishments inflicted but the sheep 
killing went on as bad as ever." 

Loehren relates an incident of sheep foraging at 
this time, when some Minnesota men, by their pres- 

236 



FROI\r ANTIETAM TO LOUDOUN VALLEY 

enee of mind, escaped punishment for cold-blooded 
sheepieide and put the offense upon some of the un- 
sophisticated Nineteenth Maine : 

"One of our men, an incorrigible forager, 
at the close of a day's march, with the as- 
sistance of two or three comrades, captured 
a fat sheep in the edge of the wood, and 
while they were dressing it some members of 
the Maine regiment came up and watched 
the proceedings. The chief forager chanced 
to see what no one else saw — a squad of the 
provost guard approaching stealthily through 
the brush. Speaking quickly, but in low 
tones, to his comrades, he said: "Boys, that 
other sheep we got is enough for us ; let 
us give this one to those JMaine boys." His 
comrades knew there was no "other sheep," 
but also knew there was good reason for 
his sudden generosity. They replied, "all 
right," and all four of them hurried away. 
The Maine men had begun to divide the car- 
cass when the provost guard pounced upon 
them., and in spite of their protests marched 
them away. Passing Division headquarters 
later in the evening, the Minnesota forager 
saw the luckless Maine boys tied up to cross 
bars and added insult to their injuries by 
calling out to them: "Say, boys, how did 
you like your mutton?" 

Lochren further says that the people of the 
country were all staunch Confederates, but w^ere 
willing and even anxious to sell their produce to the 
soldiers for Confederate paper currency. At this 
time a certain Philadelphia concern was flooding the 
army with counterfeit Confederate notes, and a 
large volume of this spurious paper was soon cir- 
culating among the people of Loudoun and Faquier. 
But the U. S. authorities soon stopped the manu- 

237 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

faeture and passing of the bogus "rebel money." To 
make or pass it was made a crime of equal gravity 
Avitli tlio crinie of making or passing spurious U. S. 
money. 

The Aveathor in the Valley during the first days 
of the mareliing was changeable. Some days were 
hot. The 7th of November there was a chilling wind 
and the air was full of frost and flying snow the 
greater part of the day. But the men were well 
supplied with clothing, tents, and other necessary 
articles and there was not much discomfort. 

jMcClcHan's movement down Loudoun Valley, east 
of the Blue Ridge IMountains and between Lee's 
army and AVashington, was as has been previously 
stated, another movement on Richmond. His primary 
destination was Culpeper C. H., 60 miles south of 
Harper's Ferry, and his secondary objective point 
was Gordonville, 25 miles south of Culpeper. En- 
route he meant to occupy Warrenton, at the southern 
end of the famous turnpike from Washington, and 
the terminus of a branch of the Orange & Alexandria 
Railway; Warrenton is the county seat of Faquier 
County. Culpeper and Gordonville are both on the 
Orange «& Alexandria Railway, which line General 
]\[cClellan expected to use to draw his supplies from 
Washington. 

New enlistments under President Lincoln's call 
and other re-enforcements had increased McClellan's 
army very largely after the battle of Antietam. 
October 25 he said it nundiered 116.000 men ; by Nov. 
1 he had sent a brigade back to IMaryland and the 
Twelfth Corps, under Slocum. was left at Harper's 
Ferry. He probably invaded Virginia with 100,000 
oflicers and men and 6,000 were cavalry, under Gen. 
John Buford. 

The President had by this time become greatly 

238 



FROM ANTIETAM TO LOUDOUN VALLEY 

dissatisfied with General McClellan. He had little 
faith in the General's plan of invasion. He had no 
faith that Lee would be fooled by McClellan 's demon- 
strations against the Blue Ridge gaps as if he meant 
to suddenly go through them and fall on the Con- 
federate forces about Winchester and Occoquan. He 
feared that after the Union army had proceeded 50 
miles or so it would find the Confederates in its 
front disputing every inch of the way to Richmond. 
So Lincoln said, after consenting to trust ]\IcClellan 
once more: "If he shall permit Lee to cross the Blue 
Ridge to the east, and place his army between Rich- 
mond and the Army of the Potomac, I shall remove 
him from command." (Nic. & Hay, Vol. 6, p. 188.) 
And on the 5th of November Lincoln learned that 
Longstreet's Corps had crossed the Blue Ridge and 
was firmly fixed at Culpeper C. H., squarely across 
McClellan 's front and at the first objective point the 
Union general aimed. He had reached Culpeper the 
evening of the 3d, the day after McClellan 's rear 
guard crossed the Potomac. 

Lee and his generals soon perceived McClellan 's 
plans. Stonewall Jackson with his Corps of 30,,000 
was left back in the Shenandoah Valley. He took 
position on the road from Berryville to Charlestown, 
about twelve miles west of Snicker's Gap. If Mc- 
Clellan should pass through that Gap and come to- 
ward Berryville, Jackson would meet him and cheek 
him till Longstreet could come to his assistance. 



239 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

BURNSIDE SUCCEEDS MeCLELLAN. 

ON the night of November 7th, when General Mc- 
Clellan was at Rectortown and Sumner was 
there and Hancock's Division was there and Gor- 
man's old brigade was out near Ashby's Gap, an 
order came from the Secretary of War "by direction 
of the President" relieving McClellan of the command 
of the Army of the Potomac. General Burnside was 
appointed his successor. Burnside protested vigorous- 
ly for a long time against accepting the command. 
He said frankly and earnestly : "I am not competent 
to command such a large army as this." He wanted 
McClellan left in command and said that, "if things 
could be satisfactorily arranged," that officer could 
command the army better than any other general 
in it. 

Lochren says that when the news of McClellan 's 
removal reached Gorman's Division, "officers and 
men were stunned and exasperated almost to the 
point of mutiny.***Deepest sorrow and despondency 
prevailed on November 10, when the army was drawn 
up to take leave of McClellan. Strong men shed 
tears. A majority of the line officers of the First 
Minnesota sent in their resignations," etc. The 
resignations were soon recalled, however, and the 
men had to accept the situation. 

The army of the Potomac loved and had great 
confidence in General IMcClellan. Officers and men 
felt that he saved the Capital, if not the country, on 
two occasions — after McDowell's defeat at Bull Run 
and Pope's defeat at the second Bull Run. They 
knew of his skillful change of base at Harrison's 

240 



BURNSIDE SUCCEEDS McCLELLAN 

Landing, his victory at Antietam. All in all, Nov. 
10, 1862, was one of the darkest days for the Army 
of the Potomac. 

General Burnside ivas thoroughly loyal and 
patriotic. He was sincere, honest and frank. 

Having had the command of the army virtually 
forced upon him. General Burnside assumed it reluc- 
tantly. He gathered up the greater part of the divi- 
sions that McClellan had scattered about, and con- 
centrated them about Warrenton. Here he spent ten 
days. In order to get the reins of the army well 
into his hands, he divided it into three teams which 
he called Grand Divisions. 

These were the Right Grand Division, commanded 
by General Sumner and composed of the Second 
Corps under General Couch and the Ninth Corps un- 
der General Orlando B. "Wilcox; the Center Grand 
Division, commanded by General Hooker and com- 
posed of the Third Corps under Gen. George Stone- 
man and the Fifth Corps under Gen. Dan Butter- 
field ; the Left Grand Division, commanded by 
General Franklin and composed of the First Corps 
under Gen. John F. Reynolds and the Sixth Corps 
under Gen. Wm. Farrar Smith. Distributed among 
the Grand Divisions were 15 cavalry regiments organ- 
ized into four brigades, the whole commanded by 
Gen. Alfred Pleasanton. 

General Hancock still commanded the First and 
General French the Third Division of the Second 
Corps, while the Second Division was now com- 
manded by Gen. 0. 0. Howard, General Gorman hav- 
ing gone to the West. The First Minnesota was still 
in Couch's Second Corps, and in the Second Division 
and in that Division's First Brigade, now commanded 
by General Sully. The other regiments of the bri- 
gade were the old comrades, the Fifteenth Massa- 

241 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

chusetts, Maj. Chase Philbrick; the Thirty-fourth 
New York, Col. James A. Suiter; the Eighty-second 
New York, Lieut. Col. James Huston, and the new 
Nineteenth Maine, Col. Fred D. Sewall. There were 
attached to the Brigade two companies of sharp- 
\ shooters, the First Company of Massachusetts, Capt. 
' "Wm. Plumer, and the Second of Minnesota, Capt. W. 
F. Russell. 

General Burnside resolved to abandon offensive 
action on the Gordonville line and make a change of 
base from "Warrenton to Fredericksburg. The latter 
is on the Rappahannock River, 35 miles or so south- 
east of "Warrenton, and 12 miles southwest of the 
Potomac River, the eastern terminus of the Fred- 
ericksburg & Potomac Railroad. General Burnside 
thought Fredericksburg would make an admirable 
base for his operations against Richmond. The ground 
was high, dry and easily defended and his supplies 
could be brought by water up the Potomac to Ac- 
quia Creek Station and from thence by rail over 
the Fredericksburg & Potomac Railroad to Fred- 
ricksburg, Avhich is on the south side of the Rappa- 
hannock, in Spotsylvania county, and nearly 40 miles 
due north of Richmond. 

Swinton tell us (p. 233) on the authority of one 
of Burnside 's Corps commanders ''then most inti- 
mate in his confidence" that General Burnside did 
not intend to try to reach Richmond until the next 
spring. He meant to pass the winter at Fredericks- 
burg and in the spring set out for Richmond, via 
the Peninsula and the James River, McClellan's old 
route. 

But he must first capture Fredericksburg and that 
place was on the south side of the Rappahannock, 
where the stream was troublesome to cross. 

The project of changing the line of operations to 

242 



BURNSIDE SUCCEEDS McCLELLAN 

the Fredericksburg route was not thoroughly ap- 
proved at Washington, but was finally assented to. 
Lincoln had removed McClellan because he would not 
march rapidly and give battle to the enemy. But 
Lincoln did not want to change commanders every 
week, and so on the 15th of November General Burn- 
side put his troops in motion from Warrenton for 
Fredericksburg. It was determined to march to Fal- 
mouth, a little hamlet on the north bank of the Rap- 
pahannock, a mile or so above Fredericksburg, and 
cross the river by a pontoon bridge and seize the 
high bluffs on the south bank. Burnside had no pon- 
toons with him ; they were to be sent to him from 
"Washington. 

Sumner's right guard division led the van and 
after a two days' march arrived at Falmouth on the 
afternoon of the 17th. Fredericksburg was then oc- 
cupied by Colonel Ball's Fifteenth Virginia Cavalry, 
four companies of Mississippi infantry from Barks- 
dale's Brigade, and Lewis's Virginia battery. When 
the head of Sumner's column reached the bluff over- 
looking the river, Lewis's battery opened fire. Sum- 
ner ordered up the nearest Union battery, Pettit's 
B, First New York, and in a few minutes silenced the 
Confederate guns. 

Sumner was for dashing across the river at once. 
The river was fordable then, four miles above at 
Banks' Ford, and could be easily waded by infantry 
and crossed by the batteries. There was also another 
practicable ford between Banks's and Fredericksburg. 
General Sumner was very impatient to cross at once 
and take possession of Fredericksburg and the heights 
in the rear, but Burnside would not allow him to. 
In his testimony before the Committee on the Con- 
duct of the War, General Sumner testified on this 
point : 

243 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

My orders were not to cross; but the 
temptation was strong to go over and take 
these guns the enemy had left. That same 
night I sent a note to General Burnside ask- 
ing if I should take Fredericksburg in the 
morning, should I be able to find a practic- 
able ford, which, by the way, I knew when I 
wrote I could find (having already found it.) 
The General replied that he did not think it 
advisable to occupy Fredericksburg until his 
communications were establishecl. — Report, 
p. 657. 

Burnside 's delay proved disastrous to his army 
and the Union cause. On the 19th and 20th Hooker's 
and Franklin's Grand Divisions came up, but no move 
was made to cross the river. 

LEE MOVES TO MEET BURNSIDE. 

When Burnside 's army began its march from "War- 
renton, Longstreet's Confederate Corps was at Cul- 
peper. Jackson's Corps, except one division, was west 
of the Blue Ridge and in the Shenandoah Valley. 

As soon as Burnside had developed his intention 
of occupying Fredericksburg, Stonewall Jackson was 
directed to bring his Corps from the Shenandoah 
Valley down to Orange Court House, Avhich is 40 
miles west of Fredericksburg and be prepared to join 
Longstreet at the latter town. Jackson came by slow 
marches, for the roads were rough, the weather in- 
clement. Jackson reached Fredericksburg about 
December 1st, having been for some days watching 
the lower Rappahannock, for Burnside pretended 
that he was about to cross the river at Fort Royal, 
which is 20 miles below Fredericksburg. 

Burnside did not try to cross the river until 
December 11, three weeks after his arrival, and by 
that time the Confederates had been able to build 
such strong fortifications to shelter themselves that 

244 



BUKNSIDE SUCCEEDS LIcCLELLAN 

they had no fears whatever of the result of any at- 
tack. General Burnside was not blamable for some 
days of this delay. General "Walker says, in his his- 
tory of the Second Corps, (p. 141) that the author- 
ities at Washington had promised General Burnside 
that pontoon boats to enable him to cross the Rap- 
pahannock should be sent to Falmouth and arrive 
there as soon as the army. General Sumner's ad- 
vance reached Falmouth, November 17th, the whole 
army was up on the 20th ; the pontoons did not come 
until the 25th. 

General Burnside 's first care was for his supplies, 
and these were soon arriving regularly. A great de- 
pot was built at Acquia Creek Station where that 
stream empties into the Potomac, and big sea-going 
vessels could land or dock at that station. Then the 
railroad between the station and Fredericksburg was 
soon put in full running order, and supplies reached 
Burnside 's army as regularly as if it had been en- 
camped at Washington. 

After thorough consideration, involving several 
days. General Burnside decided to cross the river and 
attack the Confederates on the high ridges west of 
Fredericksburg. 



245 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. 

PASSING over many of the preliminaries to the 
battle of Fredericksburg, it is necessary, in or- 
der that the great conflict be intelligently understood, 
to describe briefly the natural situation. At Fred- 
ericksburg the Eappahannock flows through a huge 
trough-shaped valley, resembling portions of the Min- 
nesota Valley in our own state. A high ridge runs 
along either side, the river flowing in a general di- 
rection from northwest to southeast. On the south 
or west side, the ground at the river is flat and 
slopes gradually back to the crest of the ridge. A 
portion of this crest is called Marye's Heights 
(local pronunciation, Maree's Heights) or Marye's 
Hill, because the ground was then owned and partly 
occupied by the fine house and premises of a Colonel 
Marye. On these heights and the crest of the ridge 
were the Confederate positions and fortifications. 
Between the river bank and the crest, on the level 
and sloping land, was built the town of Fredericks- 
burg. 

On the north or east side of the river was another 
high and commanding ridge called Stafford Heights, 
because that side of the river is in Stafford County. 
Along this ridge, which equaled in height the west 
ridge, was disposed the army of General Burnside 
whose artillery perfectly commanded the plain of 
Fredericksburg. 

On the 21st of November General Sumner de- 
manded of the mayor and council of Fredericksburg 
the surrender of the city. He said his troops had 
been fired upon from it, and that it was and would 

246 



THE BATTLE OF FREDEKICKSBURG. 

continue to be occupied by detachments of the Con- 
federate army and that the whole town was in gen- 
eral rebellion, etc. If the demand was refused, the 
general said he would, after 16 hours, shell the town. 
In great alarm Mayor Slaughter ran to General Long- 
street and the latter said: "Answer General Sumner 
that we shall not occupy the town, for he would 
drive us out of it in five minutes with his artillery." 
When the mayor told the general this, the latter said 
he would not shell the town. But eventually Long- 
street's troops did occupy the town and Sumner 
shelled it. 

The scope of this history does not warrant an 
extended survey of the entire field of operations 
known as the "Battle of Fredericksburg," conse- 
quently that portion with which the regiment was not 
connected can be given a more general treatment. 

Especially is this so in view of the great amount 
of war literature — Union and Confederate — that has 
been published, bearing on this contest. 

Generally it may be said that General Burnside's 
artillery under its Chief — Col. Henry J. Hunt — con- 
sisting of 147 cannon, was posted on Stafford Heights 
where they had the range of Fredericksburg and the 
crossing place for the Union troops opposite the city. 

The effort of the engineer troops to lay the 
bridges, was for a time defeated by enemy riflemen 
posted in buildings and cellars along the river front 
of the city. Nine unsuccessful attempts were made. 

Most of the inhabitants had left the city and the 
crossing being hotly contested, the Union guns were 
opened on the river front of the city, but without 
driving away the enemy. Therefore it was deter- 
mined to send a body of troops across the river in 
pontoons, and this being done, the enemy was driven 
oft' the river front and the bridges were successfully 

247 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

laid, being completed about sundown. 

That evening Howard's Division crossed over into 
the city. The next day, Hancock's and French's Di- 
visions of Couch's Second Corps, and the Ninth Corps 
(Gen. 0. B. AVilcox) crossed, thus placing Sumner's 
Right Grand Division in the city. 

During these operations Franklin's Left Grand 
Division had crossed over bridges he had constructed 
about a mile below the city limits. Hooker's Center 
Grand Division still remained on the north side of the 
river. 

Howard's Division occupied the town of Freder- 
icksburg the night of the 11th and many of the men 
slept on feather beds. For the houses and their 
ordinary contents were abandoned by the owners and 
were rapaciously looted by the soldiers. The whole 
'day of the 12th was spent in bringing over the re- 
mainder of the troops, the batteries, the hospital 
stores, etc., in reconnoitering the Confederate posi- 
tions, and in general preparation for the awful kill- 
ing of the next day. That night the troops lay on 
their arms under a cold December sky and under 
depressing conditions, but all seemed cheerful and 
unapprehensive. Then came the morning of the 13th, 
and this was to be the day of battle. 

During the forenoon of the 12th a thick fog, like 
a great heavy gray veil, hung over Fredericksburg 
and shielded from the observation of Lee, Longstreet 
and Jackson the Union troops as they crossed the 
river and sat down in the town. The weather dur- 
ing the last week in November was unusually cold 
and some snow fell, and the same temperature pre- 
vailed during the first week in December. On the 
5th several inches of snow fell. On the 7th it was as 
cold as the same day in IMinnesota. The ground was 
frozen on the 10th and the artillery passed over with- 

248 



THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. 

out breaking it. But the 11th and 12th, though too 
cold for comfort, were a little milder, causing heavy 
fogs to rise from the river and its low banks. 

The battlefield of Fredericksburg presents the 
character of a broken plain stretching ba^k from the 
southern bank of the Rappahannock from 600 yards 
to two miles. At these distances the field rises into 
a bold ridge that forms a slight angle with the river, 
and is itself commanded by an elevated plateau. This 
ridge, from opposite Falmouth down to where it 
touches Massaponax Creek is about six miles long. 
For its six miles it constituted the natural vantage 
ground which the Confederates had strengthened with 
earthworks and crowned with artillery. On Marye's 
Hill the cannon were so thickly and so well placed 
that General Alexander, the Confederate Chief of 
Artillery, declared to General Longstreet : ' ' They will 
rake the hillside as close as a fine-toothed comb ; a 
chicken cannot live down there when the assault is 
being made." (Batts. & Leads., p. 79.) 

Between the rear of the town and the main hill 
there then ran a canal which by the prolongation of 
a mill race, extended from a bend in the river above 
the town, southward nearly to the extreme southern 
limits of the town, when it turned eastward and 
emptied into Hazel Run ; this canal turned a paper 
mill in the northwestern part of town. It had to be 
crossed by an assaulting party before the hill could 
be fairly attacked. At noon of the 12th, by order of 
General Patrick, the Provost Marshal, Captain Cum- 
mings' Company Eighty-second New York (Sully's 
Brigade) went out to the paper mill, chased away the 
Confederate pickets, and turned off the water of the 
mill race that emptied into the canal. 

From the center of the town westward ran two 
prominent roads. The northern or plank road ran 

249 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

northwest to Culpeper Court House ; the southern, 
called the Telegraph road, ran almost due south to- 
wards Richmond. It had been used so long and 
washed out by heavy rains so frequently that its bed 
was from two to three feet below the surface, and 
certain writers call it the "Sunken road." Both 
roads ascended the ridge and crossed the Confeder- 
ate works at right angles. By the first mile of these 
roads and over the intervening ground the Union as- 
sault was to be made on the high ridge called 
IMarye's Heights. This position formed the left of 
the Confederate line, and here General Lee disposed 
Longstreet's Corps, 30,000 men whose infantry was 
behind a good stone wall on the east side of the Tele- 
graph road.* It was these heights which General 
Sumner's Right Grand Division was to assail. 

The left of the Union line, composed of Franklin's 
Grand Division, was two miles below Fredericksburg 
proper, opposite the right of the Confederate line, 
held by Stonewall Jackson's Corps, 28,000 strong. 
Jeb. Stuart, with two brigades of cavalry, 3,500 men 
and 18 pieces of horse artillery, formed the extreme 
right, extending down to Massaponax Creek, five 
miles below Fredericksburg. 

Under the plan of the coming battle Franklin was 
not to make an effective attack, but to put in ''one 
division, at least," and try to carry the enemy's 
position. The order said: "You will send one di- 
vision, at least, to seize, if possible, the heights near 
Plamilton's Crossing and take care to keep it well 
supported and its line of retreat open." The rest of 
the Grand Division was to be held in reserve, "in 
position for a rapid movement down the old Rich- 

*There was a wall on both sides of the road, but that 
on the east side, which was breast high, was the one 
mostly used. (Longstreet.) 

250 



THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. 

mond road," a road running west from the extreme 
Union left well around Jackson's flank, including 
Stuart's Cavalry and crossing the Massaponax. 

General Sumner's instructions were of like tenor. 
He was to extend the left of his Grand Division to 
Deep Run, to connect with Franklin's. Then he was 
to get "a division or more" in readiness to move 
"along the plank road and the telegraph road with 
a view to seizing the heights in the rear of the 
town;" but he was not to move this division until 
ordered by General Burnside, which meant that he 
must wait until Franklin's movement had succeeded. 

The details of this movement under Franklin are 
foreign to our present purpose, and it is sufficient to 
say that it failed and at its close the enemy remained 
in its position, and General Franklin withdrew to 
the position he occupied south of the river before the 
battle commenced, and afterward recrossed the river 
to the left flank. 

While Franklin was occupying the attention of 
the Confederate right wing under General Jackson 
General Sumner's troops engaged the enemy on 
Marye's Hill. 

At the time Burnside 's attack on the Union left 
was fully developed, General Sumner, on the right, 
was ordered to assail Marye's Heights. 

General Burnside forbade General Sumner from 
crossing the river to direct the assault of his, men, 
for fear that he would do ''something rash." (Batts. 
& Leads., p. 110.) From the north side of the river, 
where he couldn't even smell the powder. General 
Sumner had to give his orders and do his fighting. 
As per Burnside 's orders, Sumner directed Couch to 
"form a column of a Division" and push out along 
the plank and telegraph roads and "seize the 
heights." Another division was to be "held in 

251 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

readiness to advance in support of this movement." 
In sending the order to Couch for the movement, 
Colonel Taylor, Sumner's Chief of Staff, added the 
following postscript: "The major-general (Sumner) 
thinks that as Howard's division led into the town 
it is proper that one of the others take the advance." 

General Couch directed General French to prepare 
his division in three brigade lines for the advance ; 
Hancock was to follow with his division in the same 
order. 

Toward 10 o'clock the cold, dense fog began to 
lift. The bluff but truly loyal old Marylander, Gen- 
eral French, signaled, "I am ready." General Couch 
passed the signal on to Sumner, and about 11 o'clock 
the advance was ordered. French threw out a 
strong line of skirmishers and his brigades filed out 
of town on the quick step, by two parallel streets, 
Hanover on the right and Charlotte on the left. Han- 
over street ran into the telegraph road, which ran 
directly along the base of Marye's Hill, the strong- 
hold of the Confederates. 

On the outskirts of the town French's men struck 
the canal or ditch before mentioned. It was quite 
deep and though but 18 or 20 feet wide was hardly 
passable except at the street bridges. The floor of 
the Charlotte street bridge had been torn up and the 
advance men had to cross single file on the stringers. 
The advance was so delayed that the rear brigades 
were made to jump into the ditch, hurry across and 
then scramble out again. Thus much time was spent. 
Luckily the canal was nearly empty, Company H, of 
the Eighty-second New York, having turned off the 
water 24 hours before. 

Once across the canal, the division deployed under 
the bank bordering the plain over which the men 
were to charge. This plain was obstructed here and 

252 



THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. 

there by houses and fences, notably at a fork made by 
the telegraph and plank roads. In the narrow angle 
of this fork was a cluster of houses and gardens ; on 
the parallel road just south stood a large square brick 
house. The cluster of houses and the brick house 
became rallying points for the disordered troops re- 
turning from the attack. The fork in the telegraph 
road and the brick house were less than 150 yards 
from the stone wall, behind which Longstreet's in- 
fantrymen were posted, and which extended along 
the edge of the plain in front of the brick house for 
half a mile. A little in advance of this brick house 
a slight rising ground afforded some protection for 
the musketry behind the stone wall, but not against 
the combined and converging fire of the Confederate 
artillery on the heights. It must be borne in mind 
that the stone wall was at the base of the hill; the 
batteries were on the crest, 100 yards back of and 50 
feet higher than the wall. 

Now, the Confederate force on the heights and 
Marye's Hill was of Longstreet's Corps. General Mc- 
Laws (in Batts. & Leads.) says that the heights above 
these troops were crowned with 18 rifle guns and 8 
smooth bores; the of^cial records confirm this and al- 
so show that there were present Colonel Walton's 
Washington Artillery, nine guns, and Alexander's 
Artillery Battalion, four batteries, "with a number 
of smooth bores from the reserve artillery." These 
guns being 100 yards back of and 50 feet higher 
than the stone wall (behind Avhich the infantry lay) 
could easily fire over that infantry without danger 
to them. 

French's Division had to squarely assault Mc- 
Laws' and Ransom's and indirectly attack Pickett's 
Division, and Featherston's Mississippi brigade of 
Anderson's Division. In all French's men had to 

253 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

undergo the fire of 20,000 infantry and at least 53 
pieces of artillery. The Division went into the 
charge with less than 2,800 officers and men. It was 
composed of eleven old and two new regiments, and 
the old regiments averaged less than 200 men apiece. 

A few minutes after noon French's Division 
charged, Kimball's brigade leading, and a part of 
his brigade getting into the cluster of houses, which 
General Kimball in his report calls "a small village." 
No sooner had the Division burst upon the plain 
than from Longstreet's 53 cannon and Longstreet's, 
20,000 infantry came terrible and horrible volleys. 
The shot and shell opened gaps in the ranks, but 
the gaps were closed, and the constantly thinning 
lines pressed bravely on. They nearly reached the 
stone wall when Cobb's brigade and all the infantrj' 
within range opened upon them. 

Let us hasten with the story. The shattered and 
broken brigades, having lost nearly half their num- 
ber, fell hastily back, amid the shouts and yells of 
the Confederates. Back they went to the brick house 
and the cluster of houses, where they reformed and 
held their ground under a continuous artillery fire. 
The Division had lost 1,160 in killed and wounded 
out of about 2,750. Among the killed was Colonel 
Zinn, of the One Hundred and Thirtieth Pennsylvania, 
a new regiment; this brave officer fell while carrying 
the flag of his regiment. 

Following French's came Hancock's Division, with 
Zook's, Meagher's Irish, and Caldwell's brigades in 
that order. Zook's and Meagher's got nearer to the 
stone wall than any who had gone before except a 
few of Kimball's men, and nearer than any brigade 
that followed them; this was what the burial parties 
reported. Half a dozen of Meagher's Irishmen and 
a like number of Zook's Fifty-third Pennsylvania 

254 



THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. 

were picked up within 50 feet of the wall. Hancock's 
men were driven back as French's had been. Hancock 
took in 4,834 officers and men and lost 2,021 in 
killed and wounded, including 34 officers killed out- 
right. 

General Couch now ordered out Colonel Owen's 
and Colonel Hall's Brigades of Howard's Division. 
Luckily he did not call for Sully's Brigade. General 
Couch's first intention was to send these brigades to 
the right to make a flank attack, instead of pushing 
them as a forlorn hope over the ground where French 
and Hancock had gone. But Hancock and French 
called earnestly for help and Couch countermanded 
the first order and sent General Howard with the 
two brigades mentioned to support Hancock. How- 
ard left Sully's Brigade in the outskirts of town 
ready to support either Owen or Hall. 

Colonel Owen moved out Hanover street and 
crossed the canal on the bridge. He began to receive 
case shot and shell before he got outside of the town. 
Kirby's battery came up to his support and opened 
on the enemy at a thousand yards. The Colonel de- 
ployed the brigade in a plowed field and advanced 
to within 100 yards of the Confederate "first line," 
which was the stone wall near the base of the hill. 
The artillery crowned crest was called the second 
line. A terrific fire was opened on him and he or- 
dered his brigade to lie down, which it did, and this 
saved many men. The brigade fired on the enemy 
and kept fighting until nightfall. 

Colonel Owen was a brave man and a skillful of- 
ficer and knew how to take care of his men and at 
the same time make them acquit themselves credit- 
ably. He reported to General Howard while on the 
field: "I was sent out here to support General Han- 
cock's Division; but there is not much left of it to 

255 



Till-: 1<MIJST IMINNKSOTA 



support.'" Tilt" loliil loss of kill(<(l .'iiul woumU'd in 
I lie brii^jKlc w.'is 258, of wliicii Unxtor'H Zouji\(>s 
(Sov(Mit.v-s»M'oii(l I'tMHisylvjniiM) lost 71. 

(\>lon('l lliill. ol" the Scvciilli [\1 it'll iir.MM. coinm.'md- 
iiur 111*' 'riiird Rriuj.Milc. (Djuin's old cotimiiiiid ) fol- 
lowed (\iloiit>l OwtMi. lie wi'ul up jiijjnnsl :i pjii't oi* 
llic sloiu' w.mII iicnr llic fool oi" llic hill iiiid m.'idc 
two dt'l(>rmiii(Ml jittcmitls to cju'ry it ;md kill idl t lu> 
"rchs" ill liis front. lli> \\;is dri\(>ii h;ud< both tiiiics. 
The (Irsl lire on him must lunr bcmi n tcrriblo ou<', 
Tor it divnc bnck t he S(>v(Mith !M i('liii,';iii. t Ii(> 'Pjimiiiiiuy 
KojtrinuMil. the I'il'ty ninth New ^'ork. nnd tln> Niiuv 
ItMMitli IM.'issnclnisotts ; but tli(> br;i\(> Twoutiftli IMassu- 
cluisclts iu>V(M' budjrcd Mil inch. Ihoujfh it lost 125 of 
its ;U)0 men. .*iiid Iavo d;iys bcl'orc Ii;id hist !)7 on 
lluuover street, \\liilt> drixinsx tlu* I\l ississippiiins out. 
of town. 

'The MetMusr reirinuMits soon stoppiMl. roforiuod, 
nnd e;ime bnek, ;iiid :i!r;iin tried to cjirry the (^on- 
I'imUtjiIc |>osition. Tht" NiueteiMith Mnssju'liusctts 
drov(> soiiK' skirmishers out of some liouS(>s, cnpturcd 
till' buildings, jiiid held them, but h»st st^MTcly. in- 
elndinijf t\vo coiumMndinii: olVicei's nnd niii(> otVu'(>rs in 
nil. ("oloiiel llnll reiiorted to (!enern! llownrd: "I enn 
hold my position, but cnn't nd\nnee." nnd Howard 
n>pli(Ml: "Hold your position." .\iid Colonel llnll nnd 
Avlml men h(> lind bd't held tu\ till Inte nt niiilit, whtMi 
Sykes' Division relieved them, llnll 's n'lximtMits \\(>r(> 
nil old 1S()1 iiKMi nnd did not nvernfji* 175 nuMi to 
the rt^jA'imtMit. The h'orty-stM'ond New York (Tnni- 
mniiy'i lind but 110. Tlu> Tw(>nti(dli IMnssnehusetts 
had L'<;() and h^st in nil I'JS. (\>lon('l Hall roport od 
that he to(»k but v^OO in all into llio fiirht and his tola! 
loss was 515 — niort> than (!l p(>r cent. 

(<enernl ('oiicli. nbout 11:15, (U'dcrtMl OtMitM'nl Wil- 
cox to s(Mid n division of tin* Ninth Corps io assault 

2r.G 



Till-; iJATTLi-; oi'' i'M;i':i)i';K"i(i\Si;iii;(). 



Hie ronlVc^TJilc posilion on tlii' Iici^lilM l<» lln- Irl'l. 
(if wIkm'c l^'iTiii'li ;iii(l lljiiicock lutd Iricd. Wilcox; 
Nt'iil SiiirKiN' Division, Niifjclc's iiiul h'cn-iMro's I'.ri- 
f,^n(l('S, ;iii(l llii-y wciil ii|) (111" liill ;ui(l .'ill.'ickcd 
i'ickcM 's 1111(1 Hoods Divisions iind ^ol li-rrihly rc- 
pnlst'd !ind dri\('ii down I lie hill. Tlui ioljil loss (d* 
llic |)i\ision wiis 1,0(17. Hood's Division Ios1 bid. 
'M'A, iiiid ri(d<.'ti's 1(1. 

Aboiil .'{ o'<do(d\ (jlcncriil liookiT, coinmiindiii!^ (Ik^ 
Ct'iilrr (<i-;iiid Divisioji, (Sloneituin 's Third jind i»n(- 
(i'rlicld's l^'irih (^orps) ciiiuc njton (he licld. Somo 
tiiiic Ix-roiT Ihis, howiMcr, Whipple's Dixisioii, of 
StontMiiiin, liiui ('oiii(> o\(>r )ind relieved I lownrd 's, so 

lli.'il (he l!il((>r tnifj'hl Join in (In nicr ;i((ii(d<, iind 

(Jriflin's, «d' HiiKci'lield, hnd come o\-er (o (he snppor( 
of S(nr!4is. I Iniiiphrcys nnd Sykes \vi(li (heir Divi 
sion, ol' r.n( (eflield, cnnie 1o Conidrs snppofl. (Jeneriil 
Conch's Division Inid l»ei-n I'oMjfld (o ;i s(;inds(ill. He 
asked Suinnei' foi' help, iind Snninei- juiswcrcd Ji( 
2:40: "Hooker luis lieen i>rdered (o piil in e\'ery- 
(liin^jj; yon iiins( hold on nidil he coincs in." I(, will 
he i-eiiieinl)ere<l (hill Hook'cr's Ofiind Dixision w;is (o 
rnrnish re enrcn-ceuieids. Ocnei'.-d Concll (old Hooker 
(hn( IMjirye's Hei^hls conhl iio( he cjii'i'ied hy ;i rr(nil: 
iit(n(d<, i)n( niit:,h( h<' hy nn Jissjudl on llic ('oid'ederiilc 
ler( -(he Union rij4lit. Iloolcei" repli(>d : "I will ;j;o 
Hn<l see Ilnncock mIxmO i(," iind Jiwiiy he ro(h> (o 
confei" wilh (hid, iic(M»in|)lished ffencriil. (Touch in 
!Wi((s. it Leiuls.) Very or(tMi did ii I'nion {j^cneral 
in douhl wind (o do, "j?o iind sre iliineoek- iihoid 
i(." Hooker lel'l word wi(h Hnitiphreys (o (iik-e 
CoiKdi's orders iind (Jenernl I'ld (eriii'ld (old him (In^ 
Siniie. 

There was ii lull in (he (iririfr on tiic (*onredern(e 
(MMiler, iind (Jeneiid Ciddwcll sent word (o Hnncock 
(hivi (he riiemy wiis rotrcatiiiK IVoni Maryo's house 

2r)7 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Hancock passed the word on to General Couch and 
Couch said to Humphreys : General Humphreys, it is 
reported by General Hancock that the enemy is fall- 
ing back; now is the time for you to go in." 
Humphreys' Division had but two brigades, eight 
regiments, all Pennsylvanians, and all new recruits 
but one, the Ninety-first Pennsylvania. The new regi- 
ments joined the army the day after Antietam and 
this was their first battle. 

Spurring to his work, General Humphreys led 
his two brigades over precisely the same ground 
traversed by French and Hancock. There is still a 
dispute as to which of the three divisions got the 
nearest to the stone wall on Marye's Heights. The 
musketry fire on Humphreys' men was very heavy 
and the artillery fire was terrible. At one time 
General Couch thought that Hooker's batteries on 
Falmouth Heights were firing short and dropping 
shells into Humphreys' Division and sent word to 
that effect. Humphreys was very gallant. He charged 
with his men, had two horses killed under him, and 
then charged on foot. All to no purpose. 

The Division was driven back to the foot of the 
hill, but in first-rate order and some of the men were 
very cheerful. Colonel Clark's and Colonel Allen's 
regiments, of Colonel Allenbach's brigade, came back 
hurrahing and singing, and as they went into posi- 
tion at the foot of the hill some of them were heard 
to call out exultingly: ''Well, we had a h — of a 
time, didn't we?" (Humphreys' report.) The Division 
went in with 3,500 men and lost 1,020. 

Just after Humphreys' charge was made, Grif- 
fin's Division of Butterfield's Fifth Corps, three bri- 
gades, made a charge on the stone wall over the 
ground where Sturgis' brigades had assaulted, to the 
left of the main line, and against Hood and Pickett. 

258 



THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. 

Same result. The Division was repulsed with, a loss 
of 66 killed, 752 wounded, and 120 missing, or 938 
in all. About 5 o'clock, while General Humphreys 
M^as leading his Pennsylvanians on their hopeless 
charge, Getty's Division of Wilcox was ordered by 
General Wilcox to the charge on the left of the route 
taken by French, Hancock and the rest. It went out 
Prussia street, the third street south of Hanover, and 
struck into and upon an unfinished railroad cut and 
track; when completed this was called the Potomac, 
Fredericksburg & Piedmont Railroad. Soon after 
getting out on the unfinished railroad, Hawkins' ad- 
vance brigade came under a hot fire and was some- 
what cut up before it had advanced half as far as 
French and Hancock. 

Only General Hawkins' First Brigade was con- 
spicuously engaged. It did not charge very far or 
very hard, for darkness came on and it soon fell back 
as General Getty reports, to ''the cover afforded by a 
depression of ground and the bed of an old canal." 
From this position the brigade was withdrawn behind 
the Fredericksburg & Potomac Railroad grade and 
finally stationed at the slaughter house near the 
corner of Princess Anne and Prussia streets for the 
night. 

General Harland's Second Brigade advanced in the 
rear of Hawkins' to the railroad and there stayed 
until next morning, when it returned to its former 
station on Caroline street. It lost one officer (Colonel 
Cross, Fourth Rhode Island) and one man killed and 
9 wounded. The total loss in the Division was 551. 
Hawkins' Zouaves (Ninth New York) did not charge 
— but guarded a battery at a brick kiln. 

All of Burnside's generals except Sumner had 
protested against the assaults on Marye's Heights. 
Sumner supported the idea of a direct assault but not 

259 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

with only one Division. When Burnside appealed to 
him he weakened and said: "I always support my 
commander." And now Burnside was determined to 
repeat the assault on the 14th. At 11 o'clock the 
night of the 13th, Hooker, Franklin, and other officers 
were in consultation at the Phillips House. Burn- 
side came suddenly in, saying as he entered the 
door: "Well, it's all arranged; we attack at dawn, 
the Ninth Corps in the center, which I shall lead in 
person. The troops that did not fight today will get 
plenty to do tomorrow." 

Generals AVilcox, Humphreys, Getty, Butterfield, 
]\Ieade, and others had sent Hawkins to the conference 
to say for them that there must be no more assault- 
ing. Hooker had been swearing that there had been 
enough of slaughter and Sumner agreed with him. Af- 
ter Burnside had made the announcement there was 
silence for a few moments, and then Hooker arose 
and pointing his finger at Sumner said: "Sumner, 
tell him," and then stretched himself on a bed. Sum- 
ner stated the object of Hawkins' visit and said the 
troops had met with such disasters, were so fatigued, 
etc., that they ought not to be required to make an- 
other assault so soon — "Wait a few days." Burn- 
side finally consented to postpone the attack and 
did so. 

General Couch was not at this council. That after- 
noon, when Hooker went "to see Hancock," he 
talked with that general and then went back across 
the river and saw Burnside. He told Burnside that 
there had been enough men sacrificed ; that even the 
stone wall could hardly be carried, but that if it 
should be, the line of the 53 cannon and the support- 
ing works on the crest could not possibly be taken. 
To all this Burnside replied: "That crest must be 
taken tonight." 

260 



THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. 

Hooker returned to the battle side of the river 
in great rage. He was directing the formation of 
Humphreys' Division when General Couch rode up 
and again urged that the assault be made far out 
to the right. Hooker replied very hotly and insolent- 
ly. He said bitter things. He said that Couch was 
very ready to suggest where the troops should be 
sent, but he insinuated that he was unwilling to lead 
them and afraid to go with them. General AValker, 
who, as General Couch's Adjutant General, was 
present at the time, tells the rest of the story in his 
History of the Second Corps, p. 179 : 

"Stung by the insults, broken-hearted at 
the defeat of his Corps and the massacre of 
his gallant soldiers, and perhaps shrinking 
from the spectacle of a fresh slaughter. 
General Couch turned away and dashed up 
the telegraph road. Passing Hazard's bat- 
tery, he rode slowly up to Adams' gun, 
Avhich was being served in the road, and 
stopped and talked with Adams; then he 
galloped forward to the extreme advance of 
the Union line at the end nearest town. 
Here, while under fire, he stopped and talk- 
ed with Col. John R. Brooke, of Zook's 
Brigade, who begged and almost prayed him 
to retire. Then, turning to the left, he rode 
slowly down the full line of his Corps, just 
in the rear of where the men lay, and then 
rode back again — all the while under a most 
terrible fire!" 

After dark Couch was out on the line, having 
his wounded brought off the plain, when an order 
came to him from Hooker relieving the Second Corps 
and putting Sykes' Division of regulars in its place. 
Instantly and indignantly Couch said to the officer 
that had brought the order: "No! Say to General 
Hooker that no men shall take the place of the 

261 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Second Corps until General Sumner gives the order. 
The Corps has fought and gained this ground and 
shall hold it." But about midnight an order came 
from Sumner for Sykes to relieve the Second Corps, 
and Couch assented and French and Hancock came 
back to town. 

The repulse of Humphreys and Griffin virtually 
closed the battle of Fredericksburg. General Hooker, 
at nightfall, took the situation in hand and stopped 
the assaulting. To the Committee on the Conduct of 
the War he said: ''Finding that I had lost as many 
men as my orders required me to lose, I suspended 
the attack." (Report, Vol. 1, p. 668.) And General 
Burnside did not over rule the somewhat presump- 
tuous action, so far as it affected operations that 
night. It was later that he threatened to renew the 
attack in the morning. General Walker says : 

"General Hooker strenuously opposed the 
attacks on the 13th. In his report he says : 
"A prisoner in the morning had given to 
General Burnside, General Sumner and my- 
self full information of the position and de- 
fenses of the enemy; that it was perfectly 
impossible for any troops to carry the posi- 
tion; that if the first line was carried, a 
second line of batteries commanded it. The 
■ result of the operations of General Sumner's 
Corps fully confirmed the statements of this 
prisoner, a very intelligent man. * * "^ I 
dispatched an aide to General Burnside to 
say that I advised him not to attack. The 
reply came that the attack must be made." 

"During the two days that followed, 
General Burnside remained shocked and be- 
wildered at the disaster which had befallen 
his army — at one time telegraphing to Wash- 
ington that though his assault had not been 
successful, he had gained ground and was 
holding it; at another time scheming to 

262 



THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. 

transfer all his troops to the left and again 
assault where Franklin did; at another time 
declaring that regardless of what had been 
said he would form his old Ninth Corps into 
column and lead it in person up Marye's 
Heights; at other times plunged in the deep- 
est distress." 

During Sunday night, the 14th, General Howard 
was ordered to relieve General Sykes' Division at the 
front. General Howard sent five regiments. These 
were the First Minnesota, the Seventy-first and One 
Hundred Twenty-seventh Pennsylvania, the Fifteenth 
Massachusetts, and another. All day of Monday, the 
15th, these regiments were under fire from artillery 
and sharpshooters. They were stationed along the 
Union reserve line of the preceding days and along 
the mill race or canal. The right of the line was 
100 yards west of the tomb of Mary Washington, the 
mother of the Father of his country; she died Aug. 
25th, 1789, and was buried here at her request.* A 
fine monument was erected over the grave, in 1894, 
by the women of America. 

Between 8 and 9 o'clock p. m. the troops in the 
town received orders to recross the river to Fal- 
mouth, and during the night, under cover of the 
darkness and a driving storm, this movement was 
accomplished. 

The desire to criticize the entire movement against 
the enemy on Marye's Heights is strong, but ad- 
hering to the plan of this work, we forbear. Pos- 
terity has assigned the responsibility of the disastrous 
movement. 

*Though born in "Westmoreland county, on the south- 
ern Potomac, George Washington was reared to manhood 
in Stafford county, on a plantation a few miles from 
Fredericksburg. 



26; 



CHAPTER XXX. 

THE FIRST MINNESOTA AT FREDERICKSBURG. 

EARLY on the morning of December 11, the First 
Minnesota left its camp east of the Rappahan- 
nock and marched about two miles to near the river 
opposite Fredericksburg. The entire Division halted 
for the day under the shelter of a hill. There was 
no possible danger except from Confederate artillery 
away across the river on Marye's Heights, and not 
much from that. The pontoon bridges were com- 
pleted at sunset, and soon after Howard's Division 
crossed upon them under the enemy's fire. There were 
still some Confederate skirmishers in the houses and 
elsewhere among the back streets and Owen's and 
Hall's Brigades were looking after them. Also there 
were two batteries at work a mile back from the riv- 
er and they were throwing shot and shell at the ad- 
vancing Union troops all the time. 

Sully's Brigade crossed the river with 2,211 of- 
ficers and men. It bivouacked on Sophia street, the 
street directly in front and parallel with the river.* 
And here it remained till morning. Only Howard's 
Division crossed that night, so that General Howard 
was in command of Fredericksburg. Hall's Brigade 

*At that time the streets of Fredericksburg running 
north and south, or parallel with the river, were in order, 
commencing on ihe river front, Sophia, Caroline, Princess 
Anne, Charles, Prince Edward, Winchester, and Barton. 
Hanover was the principal street running perpendicular 
to the river, or east and west. The streets north of it 
were in order George, William (or Commerce), Amelia, 
Lewis, Faquier, and Hawks. Those south of Hanover 
were Charlotte, Wolfe, Prussia, Frederick, and Princess 
Elizabeth. The court house faced west on Princess Anne, 
between Hanover and George. Directly at Fredericksburg 
the river and the streets ran from northw^est to southeast. 

264 



THE FIRST lillNNESOTA AT FREDERICKSBURG 

advanced skirmishing from the river along George 
and Commerce streets two blocks, or to Princess 
Anne, but the Twentieth Massachusetts had charged 
and driven back the Mississippians two blocks farther 
to Prince Edward street. Owen's Brigade got only- 
one block from Sophia, or to Caroline street, but it 
skirmished all the way and captured 21 prisoners, 
mostly from the Twenty-first Mississippi. The Bri- 
gade bivouacked on Caroline. Howard's Division 
contained about 3,500 officers and men. 

When faint daylight came on the 12th Owen's 
and Sully's Brigades, of Howard, and Hawkins' Bri- 
gade, of the Ninth Corps, were ordered to advance 
upon the back streets of the town and clear them of 
the enemy's troops, who were supposed to have been 
re-enforced during the night and to be fortified in 
some manner. All preparations were made for a hot 
time, but when the advanced skirmishers went out 
they found that the Confederates had retired from 
the town during the night. Then Howard's three 
brigades were ordered into various positions, some 
inside and some without the city, to cover the crossing 
of the remaining troops. 

Sully's Brigade was moved out and disposed 
among several positions in the western suburbs of 
the city to the north of Hanover street. The First 
Minnesota was along or near the upper part of the 
canal and not very far from I\Iary Washington's 
grave, which is about half a mile back from the 
river. The regiment was on picket duty during the 
day and the night following and throughout the 
entire time was under a very dangerous artillery fire 
from Marye's Heights. There was good shelter, how- 
ever, and the boys found it, and only two men were 
wounded. 

On the night of the 11th, while Owen's and Hall's 



THE FIEST MINNESOTA 

men were skirmishing with the Mississippians, only 
two blocks away, and the bullets were whistling in 
every direction, the looting commenced. The citi- 
zens had abandoned their houses after having foolish- 
ly held to them until it was too late to remove their 
contents and had left, bearing with them but few 
of their possessions. The contents of the stores had 
been for the most part taken away, but scores of 
boxes of tobacco had been left. Lochren says : 

"Some of our boys made their way to the 
houses and stores and returned laden with 
provisions, wines, liquors, tobacco and a 
violin. Soon quadrilles and contra dances 
were under way, the melody of the fiddle be- 
ing often varied by the hissing of passing 
bullets. The next morning early we moved 
into one of the principal streets, and because 
the houses had been used as cover by the 
enemy, the men ransacked them and the 
stores, from which the owners had fled. 
Provisions were found in abundance and 
boxes of tobacco were thrown out on the 
sidewalk that all might help themselves. The 
men were not allowed to quarter in the 
houses, but fences and outhouses were broken 
up for little fires in the street and over these 
they boiled coffee and fried bacon. Many 
carried out furniture and ate their suppers 
from sofas and upholstered chairs. * * * * 
General Sully took possession of a handsome 
residence that chanced to be near the place 
occupied by the regiment, and when it was 
invaded by a. squad of the boys, told them 
to help themselves freely, as the place be- 
longed to his brother-in-law, ad — rebel."* 

*Lochren also notes that there were several excellent 
portraits in this house, which, he says, were painted "by 
the General's father, the eminent painter, Thomas Sully." 
It is more probable that the pictures were made by the 
General's sister, Mrs. Jane Darley, wife of John C. Darley, 
the owner of the house. Mrs. Darley was a very talented 

266 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA AT FREDERICKSBURG 

The boys took nothing and kept off the other 
marauders. 

Other troops than those of Howard's Division 
were now in town. Hancock's and French's men 
w^ere the first to come that morning. In his "History 
of the Second Army Corps," (p. 153) General Walker 
says : 

Much of the plundering was done in a 
spirit of fun rather than of hatred. The 
writer recollects seeing one gigantic private 
of the Irish Brigade wearing the white satin 
bonnet of some fair secesh bride, while an- 
other sported a huge "scoop" bonnet of the 
olden time. One man had a coffee pot that 
would hold ten gallons; another was stag- 
gering under a featherbed which he had 
carried from a house and meant to sleep 
on that night in the open air; the Inspector 
General entered a house on the outskirts 
occupied by the picket reserve and every 
man was wearing a lady's chemise over his 
uniform. But many things were done which 
could not be excused as frolics. 

In this near vandalism there was, strictly speak- 
ing, nothing contrary to the laws of war. The people 
of Fredericksburg were ardent Confederates, deadly 
enemies of the Union army. They urged Mayor 
Slaughter not to surrender the town; they refused to 
remove their property, and to remove themselves un- 
til the last moment, when Union bullets were flying 
through the streets ; their town was captured by 
fierce and deadly fighting, street by street, and some 
troops would have stripped it of everything they 
could carry off and then destroyed every house in 
the place — and the laws of war would have justified 

and skillful artist as was her brother, Thomas Sully, 
Junior. 

267 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

them. All the same it would be pleasanter to re- 
member Fredericksburg had there been no looting 
by any Union soldiers. About 48 hours afterward 
many that participated in it were lying cold in 
death out on the slopes below ]\Iarye's Heights. 

At 8 P. ]M. of Friday evening, the 12th, the First 
Minnesota went out and relieved the Eighty-second 
New York, on the elevated ground in the western 
suburbs of toAvn, near the tomb and the unfinished 
monument of Mary Washington. 

The Regiment spent the night of the 12th in cold, 
comfortless vigil on the picket line, having been 
moved out from downtown just after nightfall. In 
the morning of the 13th Howard's Division was 
moved to the right rear of Fredericksburg again, 
this time to be ready for action at any moment. 
Sully's Brigade was on the right flank and the First 
Minnesota was on the extreme right of the Brigade. 
Kirby's Battery was ordered up to this quarter, but 
as no position could be found for the guns "in 
battery," the three sections were placed in the ends 
of the streets, Lewis, Faquier and Hawke. The regi- 
ment was sent to support the battery. It was on a 
ridge in full view of the enemy's batteries on the 
crest of the ridge in front. They seemed to concen- 
trate their fire on the Regiment and Kirby and gave 
them a tremendous cannonading. But the Minne- 
sotians found good shelters of one kind or another, 
lay close to the ground, and lost but 7 men wounded; 
Kirby had 4 wounded. 

While the Regiment lay here it saw — imperfectly, 
yet plain enough — the terribly bloody and wholly 
futile attempts made by the Divisions of French, 
Hancock and Humphrey, and their comrade bri- 
gades of Owen and Hall to carry the Confederate 
positions behind the stone wall on the telegraph road 

268 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA AT FREDERICKSBURG 

and the batteries on the crest of Marye's Heights. 
The field was less than a mile away. The men mo- 
mentarily expected orders to move out and partici- 
pate in the charges and every man was ready. No- 
body sought to slink away. 

At 2 :30 the Nineteenth Maine was sent to the 
extreme right of the Brigade and the Union line near 
the paper mill at the upper end of the canal, 250 
feet north of IMary "Washington's tomb. (American 
soldiers engaged in fratricidal war and killing one 
another almost over the grave of the mother of Wash- 
ington.) The Fifteenth ^Massachusetts came up from 
down town and was sent out to relieve the pickets 
of Owen's Brigade, which was getting ready to 
charge. En route Surgeon Haven, of the Fifteenth, 
was killed by an exploding shell from a Confederate 
battery on the ridge, 

"When night came on the First Minnesota was 
ordered to the front as a reserve and support to 
the picket lines and remained on this duty till day- 
light of the 14th, when it was moved back to Prin- 
cess Anne street, where it remained quietly during 
the day. The position was under shell fire from the 
batteries on Marye's Heights. The Confederate gun- 
ners seemed to follow the rule of Donnybrook Fair 
and whenever they saw a Yankee head they tried to 
hit it with a solid shot or shell. They had a good 
range and command of the streets running east and 
west and could send shots down them with great ac- 
curacy, and Avould do so whenever a bunch of "Feds" 
attempted to cross them. Lochren says he saw a 
young lady ("the only woman I saw in the place") 
walking along the sidewalk of a street leading to- 
wards the river while a bunch of soldiers was start- 
ing to cross at a corner in front of her. Instantly 
half a dozen shells came shrieking down the street 

269 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

and exploded near the corner. The soldiers ran or 
threw themselves on the ground, but the brave 
Southern maiden continued her walk, apparently un- 
afraid and undisturbed. 

It was soon after dark of the 14th when, as prev- 
iously noted, the five regiments of Howard's Division 
were ordered to the front to relieve a portion of 
General Sykes' regulars. These regiments were for 
the time under the command of Colonel Morgan, of 
the First Minnesota, Avhich regiment was one of them. 

The regiments w^ent out along the Telegraph road 
and were stationed for a considerable distance along 
a line in front of Avhere the regulars had been posted, 
and which ran over a part of the ground where the 
hardest fighting had occurred. Only a few rods to the 
front were the Confederate rifle pits, now formidable 
in character and strongly manned. The picket regi- 
ments of Cobb's Georgia Brigade, McLaws' Division, 
occupied them the first part of the night, but after 
midnight they were relieved by the four Georgia regi- 
ments of Paul Semmes' Brigade. Featherston's Mis- 
sissippi Brigade had its pickets out to the right 
front. (See reports of McLaws, McMillan, command- 
ing Cobb's Brigade, Semmes, and Featherston.) 

During the night, when it was intensely dark, the 
clinking of picks and shovels was heard to the front, 
indicating that the Confederates were either strength- 
ening the positions they occupied or digging new 
rifle pits in front. The guide furnished to Colonel 
Morgan had left and nobody knew the topographical 
situation in front. Colonel Morgan greatly desired 
to know what the enemy was doing. 

Lieut. Chris. B. Heffelfinger, of the Minneapolis 
Company (D) volunteered to try and find out. He 
took Corporal William N. Irvine, (commonly called 
Newell Irvine) with him. Irvine was also a Company 

270 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA AT FREDERICKSBURG 

D man. The two crawled carefully out to the front 
and wriggled themselves along until they discovered 
what the "Johnnies" were up to. They were busy 
at work on their rifle pits. Nearing the enemy's 
position the lieutenant and the corporal separated, so 
as to hear and see as much as possible. Lieutenant 
Heffelfinger got along all right, but Corporal Irvine 
did not get very far until a big Georgian called out 
in the Southern vernacular, "Who comes thar?" In 
a trice the luckless corporal was a prisoner,* but 
Lieutenant Heffelfinger crawled back in safety and 
reported. It was a hazardous exploit but of great 
value. 

Colonel Morgan at once sent to the rear for in- 
trenching tools and by working hard the remainder 
of the night a good trench and breastwork were made 
amply sufficient to shelter the men. If this pro- 
tection had not been secured, the Union line at the 
front would not have lasted half an hour after day- 
light the next morning. The enemy's rifle pits were 
not a hundred yards away, their heavily intrenched 
lines were only a short distance to the rear of the 
pits, several buildings within easy range were filled 
with sharpshooters, while the Union line would have 
been comparatively unsheltered and in the open. 

If that line had been driven back, a Confederate 
assault would have followed, and the greater part of 
the Union positions then being held, and the greater 
part of those defending them, were not in condition 
to resist an assault. 

In his official report General McLaws, in front of 
whose Confederate Division the First IMinnesota was 

*Corporal Irvine got back in a few days on parole all 
right. He veteranized and enlisted in Company B, First 
Battalion, and was made a sergeant. He was killed in 
front of Petersburg in June, 1864. 

271 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

on December 15, says: "On the 15th it was dis- 
covered that the enemy had constructed rifle pits 
at the edge of the ravine to our front." 

Only the First Minnesota and the Fifteenth ]\Ias- 
sachusetts were present on the Union picket line 
from Sully's Brigade at this time. But on ]\Ionday, 
the loth, the firing at the front began to be pretty 
severe, indicating that the Confederates were try- 
ing to break the line preparatory to an assault. Then 
General Sully brought up the Nineteenth Maine and 
the Eighty-second New York to re-enforce their 
two comrade regiments. The Thirty-fourth New York 
was down town on Prussia street, near the Richmond 
railroad. 

When it came up the Nineteenth Maine was sent 

to the right under cover of some houses. The 

Eighty-second was placed behind some houses to the 

front. Lieutenant Murphy, of the Eighty-second was 

sent by General Sully, with a few men, to occupy 

a house on the right of the First Minnesota. The 

devil-may-care Irishman thought he had been sent 

on a picnic. He and Lieutenant Huggins took but 

five men and ran out laughing and cheering, under 

heavy volleys from the enemy, which somehow failed 

to kill anybody, and got safely into the house and 

began peppering away from it. In a few minutes 

Colonel Huston sent up Company C to re-enforce the 

seven brave spirits and the house was held until 8 

o'clock that night. In his report* Colonel Huston 

says : 

"The occupying of this house was the 
most hazardous undertaking we had to per- 
form. The lieutenant-colonel commanding 

*General Sully says in his report that he sent 
"Lieutenant Murphy in command of two companies" to 
take the house, but Colonel Huston reports the facts as 
stated above. 

272 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA AT FEEDERICKSBURG 

the regiment feels grateful to Lieutenants 
Murphy and Huggins for the accomplish- 
ment." 

In the afternoon the enemy on the Confederate 
left — H. H. Anderson's Division — gave the regiments 
on the Union skirmish line much annoyance and un- 
easiness. Frank Huger's Virginia Battery, belonging 
to Mahone's Brigade, got a position on the heights 
a mile above the Marye House from whence it had a 
good enfilade range on the Union line. General 
Mahone himself, whose brigade was on the northern 
section of the Confederate ridge, assisted in putting 
the guns, four in number, in position. They opened 
and sent solid shot, shells and case-shot down the 
line in fair range and with most uncomfortable ac- 
curacy. Even though the men were lying down, 
they were in great danger from the hurtling and 
screaming projectiles coming from the right ; but 
if they rose and sought shelter by running to the 
left they would be under almost perfect range and 
in deadly peril. So Sully's Brigade lay low and 
mighty still. 

There were two regiments, the Seventy-first and 
One Hundred and Twenty-seventh Pennsylvania, of 
Owen's Brigade, on the right of the First Minnesota. 
(Lochren terms them "a brigade") They too, came 
under the fire of Mahone's artillery. The position 
of the two Pennsylvania regiments was untenable 
and they were compelled to retire to a more desir- 
able location, but in some disorder as they were ex- 
posed to a very destructive shell fire from the enemy. 

General Howard, who witnessed their retirement, 
turned to General Sully and said: "Sully, your First 
Minnesota doesn't run." General Sully afterward 
said that he had really been afraid that the Regi- 

273 



\ 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

ment might run, but now he turned to Howard and 
said proudly: "General, the First Minnesota never 
runs." In an address to the Regiment a few days 
later and in general orders General Howard compli- 
mented it for its conduct on this occasion. 

The position occupied by the First JMinnesota at 
Fredericksburg was a trying one. The long hours 
spent under a deadly fire, without opportunity or 
permission to fire a shot in return, constituted an 
ordeal through which no body of men may desire to 
pass. The time was spent under great and ex- 
haustive strain, which called for the exercise of the 
greatest fortitude. The men would really have pre- 
ferred to spring up and out into the open, fight it 
out with the enemy and have done with it, but their 
ability to hold the position was, doubtless, owing to 
their foresight in entrenching during the previous 
night, and this was done on their own initiative. 

Burnside declared that he would hold Fredericks- 
burg, and Sully's Brigade had been ordered to build 
intrenchments where they were, commencing that 
Monday night ; but at sundown the General changed 
his mind and all of Howard's Division was with- 
drawn, recrossed the Rappahannock and got back in- 
to the old camps in the rear of Falmouth by daylight 
the next morning, Monday, December 16. 

The loss in the First Minnesota was slight, only 
\ two officers and 15 men wounded, as reported by 
Lochren, two officers and 10 men wounded, and two 
men missing as reported by Colonel Morgan. The 
nominal list shows two officers and 13 men wounded, 
as follows : Capt. John J. McCallum, and Priv. Wm. 
M. Herbert, of Company F, and E. B. Robinson, of 
Company B, were hurt so badly that they were 
transferred to the Invalid Corps. John M. Darms, 

274 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA AT FREDERICKSBURG 

of Company B, Thomas Kelly, of Company D, James 
E. Russell and B. K. Soule, of Company G, were dis- 
charged from service on account of their wounds, 
while Chas. W. Savage, of Company D; Chas. A. 
Berdan, Daniel Bond, Almerson Davis, and Josiah 
Richardson, of Company F; Chas. B. Boardman and 
Alex Shaw, of Company K, were severely wounded, 
and Lieut. C. B. Heffelfinger of Company D, was 
slightly wounded. 



275 



CHAPTER XXXI. 
IN CAMP AGAIN AT FALMOUTH. 

UPON returning to its former camping ground in 
the rear of Falmouth, practically in fair view 
of the Confederate positions still on the Marye's 
Heights ridge, the First Minnesota resumed the ordi- 
nary routine of camp duties. And for more than 
four months the regiment was practically inactive, 
and so was the army to which it belonged — at least 
the few movements it made were ineffective. 

There was a great deal of discontent in the army 
after Fredericksburg. Both officers and men were 
bitterly dissatisfied with General Burnside. They 
blamed him wholly for the loss of the battle, and 

( his want of tact. They clamored to have McClellan 
restored to command. General Sumner said there 
was "a great deal of croaking" am.ong the officers. 
The privates knew that they had not had a fair 
chance at Fredericksburg, and in their minds they 
had dismissed General Burnside long before Presi- 
dent Lincoln had. 

A few days after the battle there was a grand 
review of the Second Corps at which both General 
Burnside and General Sumner were present. The 

I troops marched by Burnside in freezing silence. The 
situation was very embarrassing, and to relieve it 
General Sumner directed General Couch to call for 
"three cheers for General Burnside." The Corps 
and Division commanders and their staffs rode along 
the lines, waving their caps or swords. 

General Burnside began immediate preparations 
for crossing the Rappahannock again and giving 
battle to Lee, Jackson, and Longstreet. He meant 

276 



IN CAMP AGAIN AT FALMOUTH 

to snatch victory out of defeat. But this time he 
would not cross directly at Fredericksburg. On the 
29th of December his plans were prepared for cross- 
ing the river with a large force seven miles below 
Fredericksburg with a view of turning Lee's right 
position. At the same time he would send a cavalry 
expedition to the Confederate rear to cut the Rich- 
mond railroad. The latter movement had already 
begun when, December 30, the General received an 
order from the President directing him not to make 
a general movement of the army ''without letting me 
know all about it." 

This movement, known as "Burnside's Mud 
March" was abandoned, owing to the condition of 
the roads caused by unexpected storms. 

The troops engaged in that movement returned to 
their former positions. 



277 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

GENERAL HOOKER SUCCEEDS GENERAL BURNSIDE. 

ON the evening of January 23d, the next evening 
after his return from the Mud March, General 
Burnside issued "General Orders No. 8" dis- 
missing from the service General Hooker, as "unfit 
\to hold a commission at a crisis like the present"; 

/dismissing Gen. W. T. H. Brooks, for "complaining 
of the policy of the government and for using lan- 
guage tending to demoralize his command," and 
dismissing Gens. John Newton and John Cochrane, 
"for going to the President with criticisms upon the 
plans of their commanding officer." The order also 
"relieved from duty" with the Army of the Potomac, 
(directing them to report to the Adjutant General 
for orders) Generals Franklin, "Baldy" Smith, 
Sturgis, Ferrerro, and Lieut. Col. J. H. Taylor, the 
Adjutant General of the Right Grand Division. The 
last named officers, he said, "can be of no further 

\ use to this army." 

Armed with this order and with his own letter 
of resignation from the command of the army and 
from the service. General Burnside repaired to "Wash- 
ington on the 24th and demanded that President 
Lincoln approve either the order or the letter. The 
President declined to endorse either in full. He 
would not remove the generals and he would not 
accept Burnside 's resignation from the service. He 
promptly told Burnside, however, that he would 
relieve him from the command of the Army of the 
Potomac as soon as he could decide upon his suc- 
cessor, but that he was "too good a soldier" to lose 
entirely from the service. 

278 



HOOKER SUCCEEDS BURNSIDE 

The next day, by "General Orders No. 20" the 
President relieved General Burnside from command 
of the Army of the Potomac ''at his own request." 
He also relieved General Sumner from command in 
that army, also ''at his own request." He 
relieved General Franklin with no reason given. 
The same order directed, "That Maj. Gen. J. Hooker 
be assigned to the command of the Army of the 
Potomac." Both Sumner and Franklin outranked 
Hooker at the time, but were willing to get out of 
the way, for they were tired of serving in that army.] 
Franklin, however, was under a cloud of censure 
by the Congressional Committee and by some of his 
associates, who said that he did not do all that he 
could and should have done with his Left Grand 
Division at Fredericksburg. Not long after Franklin 
was sent to Louisiana and Sumner was given com- 
mand of the Department of Missouri. Burnside 
was given a rest of 30 days and then Lincoln gave 
him command of the Department of Ohio, with head- 
quarters at Cincinnati, so that he could keep watch 
over the rebels in Kentucky and at the same time 
repress Vallandigham and the other "Copperheads" 
of Ohio. 

Burnside was loyal to the core. He unselfishly 
said to the President that Hooker's appointment was 
"the best solution of the problem possible," and that 
no one would be happier than himself if General 
Hooker should lead the Army of the Potomac to 
victory. (Nic. & Hay.) His order taking leave of 
the army manfully and chivalrously commended the 
"brave and skillful general" who was to succeed 
him to that "cordial support and co-operation" which 
he alleged he had ahvays received — but which he and 
everybody else knew he had not. 
. General Burnside had important commands in 

279 



THE FIEST MINNESOTA 

the army until the close of the war, but never dis- 
tinguished himself except in his defense of Knoxville, 
Tenn., against Longstreet, in November, 1863. 

General Hooker at once instituted and enforced 
vigorous measures of reform. He greatly checked 
desertion and absenteeism; he did away with 
"Grand Divisions," he infused vitality into the gen- 
eral administrative service ; he instituted a system of 
granting furloughs for meritorious conduct; he con- 
solidated the cavalry instead of leaving it scattered 
by brigades among the Grand Divisions, and he 
gave distinctive badges to the different Army Corps. 

The badges were greatly admired by the men. 
They became general throughout the entire army. 

Gen. Dan Butterfield, who became Hooker's Chief 
of staff, originated the idea and devised the badges 
in detail; but Swinton says the germ of the badge 
designation was the happy thought of Phil Kearney, 
who, at Fair Oaks, ordered the soldiers of his Divi- 
sion to sew pieces of red flannel to their caps, so 
that he could recognize them in the tumult of battle. 
The badge of the Second Corps was a trefoil, or 
three-leaved clover, which came to be designated by 
other Corps as the shamrock, the ace of clubs, etc. 

General Hooker had been a good officer under 
McClellan, although he was not fortunate at An- 
tietam. Yet he was said to be a "dashing" general 
and he had somehow gained the sobriquet of "Fight- 
ing Joe." The latter title he always rejected. "It 
sounds as if I were a pirate," he said. He was 
really an affable man and made friends readily. Yet 
he had a petulant temper and indulged it frequently. 
He always seemed anxious to fight the Confederates, 
yet he tried to repress foraging by his soldiers, whom 
he reminded in a general order that "this is a war 
between fellow citizens of a common country and 

280 



HOOKER SUCCEEDS BURNSIDE 

should be conducted accordingly. It will end in the 
triumph of the Union cause and then our present 
foes will be our warm friends." 

The Army of the Potomac had a fairly comfort- 
able season during its encampment on the Rappa- 
hannock, opposite Fredericksburg during the winter 
and spring of 1863. The troops constructed for 
themselves comfortable quarters, which were gen- 
erally small log cabins with wedge-shaped tents for 
roofs, and each cabin had a fireplace which answered 
very well to warm the little room. All kinds of 
supplies came up regularly from Acquia Creek 
Station, mails were received, visitors came from the 
North, and although there were many cold days and 
nights they were easily endured and the world went 
very well then. 

On the 5th of February, General Hooker issued 
an order abolishing the Grand Divisions and adopted 
in its stead a Corps organization of the Army, as 
follows : First Corps, General Reynolds ; Second 
Corps, General Couch; Third Corps, General Sickles 
temporarily; Fifth Corps, General Meade; Sixth 
Corps, General Sedgwick; Eleventh Corps, General 
Sigel; Twelfth Corps, General Slocum, In April 
General Howard, who had commanded the First 
I Minnesota's Division (Second of the Second Corps) 
so long and so ably, was made a major general and 
given command of General Sigel's Eleventh Corps. 
He was succeeded in the command of the Division 
by Gen. John Gibbon, from the First Corps, who 
had greatly distinguished himself on the left, under 
Franklin, at Fredericksburg. There were re-organ- 
izations from time to time, 

January 27 President Lincoln and Mrs. Lincoln 
visited the army and spent a few days at Falmouth. 
General Hooker gave them a dinner at the Lacy 

281 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

House. The Corps Commanders were present. The 
President confined the table talk chiefly to a dis- 
cussion of getting the better of "those fellows on 
the other side of the river" — Lee and his army. When 
taking leave of Generals Hooker and Couch, the 
President said very earnestly: "Gentlemen, in your 
next fight don 't send in a few at a time ; put in all 
your men." (Couch in Batts. & Leads.) On the 8th 
of April the President again visited the army and 
had a long and earnest consultation with Hooker and 
Couch and again besought them to "put in all your 
men" in the next battle. On both visits there was a 
grand review of the Second Corps. 

All the time the Confederate pickets were on the 
opposite bank of the river confronting the Union 
sentinels for several miles. For some time the per- 
sonal relations of the two picket lines were not 
especially cordial; but as the weeks passed the men 
became somewhat acquainted and very friendly. 
Some of the men of the respective armies covertly 
carried on quite a trade with the enemy. The Union 
pickets exchanged "sure-enough" coffee for genuine 
Virginia leaf tobacco and swapped New York and 
Washington newspapers for those of Richmond and 
Charleston. Bits of news were freely exchanged, 
and some items were sent from each side that were 
not news. In April, while Lincoln was on a visit 
to the army, the Confederates hallooed across the 
river: "You all have taken Charleston!" The report 
was believed by many and caused some excitement. 
But finally calling across to the Confederates was 
forbidden under severe penalties, but the friendly 
intereouse did not entirely cease. Then was tried 
the device of making miniature boats and rafts, 
equipping them with sails and loading them with 
articles of barter. The sails would be properly set 

282 



/ 



. HOOKER SUCCEEDS BURNSIDE 

by experienced sailors, and quite often a kind breeze 
wafted the little crafts safely across to their destin- 
ations. But quite oftener the sail would slew around 
or the wind change and the craft drift away and 
never be heard of. 

The First Minnesota encamped and waited for 
over four months on the east or left bank of the 
Rappahannock river on what are yet called the Staf- 
ford Heights, because in Stafford County. The ex- 
perience was only the routine of camp life and was 
comparatively uneventful. The drills were resumed 
and there was a dress parade every evening, as in 
the regiment's first days. The weather was disagree- 
able. January 29, fully five inches of snow fell, but 
it all melted away in a few days. The coldest day 
was February 3, but five days later the weather was 
warm and springlike. A heavy guard was constantly 
kept out and picket duty along the river was kept 
up but under discomforts and difficulties. 

April 2 Governor Ramsey paid the Regiment a 
visit, and was enthusiastically welcomed. He brought 
, a new flag for the Regiment, presented by the ladies 
5 of Minnesota and inscribed upon it were the battles 
jin which the First Minnesota had then been en- 
gaged. On the 8th when President Lincoln was on 
his visit to General Hooker, he went through all the 
camps, not omitting the camp of the First Minne- 
sota. 

Gibbon's division, to which the First Minnesota 
belonged, was in camp just below '^ Chatham," com- 
monly called the Lacy Jlouse, which was so often the 
headquarters of the Union generals. The camp was 
near the river and within direct range of the 300 
Confederate cannon in battery along the Marye's 
Hovise heights ridge, only a mile away. Just across 
the then narrow and fordable river were camps of 

283 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Confederate infantry, within easy musket shot, and 
the opposing pickets were almost within a stone's 
throw of one another. Loud conversation was easily 
heard and though talking was strictly forbidden by 
each side, there was a great deal of good natured 
badinage indulged in between these deadly enemies. 
On May 10, General Sully was sent to Dakota 
to fight Indians. He was the best beloved of all 
its colonels by the First Minnesota, whose members, 
a short time before he left his brigade, presented 
him with a fine dress sword. 



284 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 

THE BATTLES OP CHANCELLORSVILLE AND SECOND 
FREDERICKSBURG. 

A DAY or two after the first battle at Fredericks- 
burg, General Lee visited Richmond and Jeff 
Davis and his Cabinet informed him that the war was 
practically over, the North was discouraged, and the 
Southern Confederacy would probably be recognized 
and complete peace come within 60 days. (Batts. & 
Leads., Vol. 2, p. 84; Longstreet, Man. to Appo., p. 
317, etc.) Davis directed Lee not to "harass the 
men" by hard duties, as they would soon be sent 
home. But peace did not come and General Lee was 
forced to "harass the men," by making them dig 
and build breastworks in freezing weather all along 
the right or south bank of the Rappahannock from 
below Fredericksburg to the United States Ford 25 
miles above. The Confederate army was strung 
along this line. 

General Hooker determined to turn Lee's left 
flank by going far up the Rappahannock, above its 
confluence with the Rapidan, and crossing each 
stream separately, getting well around and in the 
rear of Lee and cutting him completely off from 
Gordonville. He began operations as soon as spring 
opened. Fredericksburg is in the same latitude as 
St. Louis, and spring weather is established April 1. 
Prof. Lowe, in his fine war balloon, made successful 
daily ascensions above the Confederate camps and 
then made safe returns, reporting all conditions 
favorable. 

April 13, General Hooker directed Gen. George 
Stoneman to cross the Rappahannock with 8,000 

285 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

cavalry and go southward toward Richmond and cut 
off Lee's Gordonville line of supply. Heavy rain- 
storms prevented this movement until April 29. 

General Hooker decided to accomplish his turning 
movement by sending a strong column which should 
go 27 miles up the river to Kelly's Ford, cross there 
and go south to Ely's and Germanna Fords over the 
Rapidan, cross them and go southeast to Chancellors- 
ville. Now this famous "ville" was simply a tine 
two-story brick farmhouse, the residence of a farmer 
named Chancellor. It was on a fine macadamized 
turnpike road running west from Fredericksburg 
and ten miles west of that town. At this house 
there was an important cross roads, composed of the 
turnpike and a road running north to the U. S. Ford 
over the Rappahannock. All about the Chancellors- 
ville house — except immediately around it — ^were 
dense brush thickets, and to the south and west 
was that vast jungle of scrub-oaks and jack-pines 
called the Wilderness. 

To conceal his movement up the river General 
Hooker put three Corps — the First, (Reynolds), the 
Third (Sickles) and the Sixth (Sedgwick) under 
Gen. John Sedgwick, and directed him to cross be- 
low Fredericksburg and make a demonstration 
against the enemy's position as soon as the flanking 
force was well under way. Gibbon's J3ivision, of the 
Second Corps, was to act under Sedgwick's orders, 
but because its camp was in plain sight of the Con- 
federates it was not to move until the other troops 
crossed the river; for the Confederates could easily 
see them taking down their tents and marching out 
of camp and would know that "something was going 
on." 

The turning column left Falmouth, Monday, April 
27. It was composed of three Corps — the Fifth, 

286 



CHANCELLORSVILLE AND FREDERICKSBURG 

(Meade) and Eleventh (Howard) and the Twelfth, 
(Sloeum.) It crossed the Rappahannock at Kelly's 
Ford on the night of the 28th and the morning of 
the 29th on a canvas-covered pontoon bridge. It 
crossed the Rapidan by the Germanna and Ely's 
Fords by wading and reached Chancellorsville on the 
30th, where General Hooker established his head- 
quarters that evening. French's and Hancock's Di- 
visions of the Second Corps also came up that even- 
ing, having crossed the Rappahannock at the U. S. 
Ford; Gibbon's Division remained at Fredericks- 
burg. 

The resulting battle at Chancellorsville was not 
participated in by the ]\Iinnesota regiment as it re- 
mained with that part of the enemy left with General 
Sedgwick, consequently any extended account of the 
struggle between Lee and Hooker at Chancellorsville 
proper is not pertinent to this history. That part of 
the grand operation called the battle of Chancellors- 
ville which was conducted by the troops under 
General Sedgwick directly concerned this regiment 
as it formed a part of the body of troops under 
General Sedgwick's command. 

When, on Saturday night, General Hooker saw 
that his right wing at Chancellorsville was smashed 
and his whole army imperilled, he sent orders to 
General Sedgwick, opposite Fredericksburg, to occupy 
the town, to seize Marye's Heights, move out over 
the turnpike road to Chancellorsville and attack 
Lee from the east. General Sedgwick now had un- 
der him his Sixth Corps and General Gibbon's Divi- 
sion of the Second. But the Sixth Corps numbered 
of infantry, and artillery 23,563 men, "present for 
duty and equipped," and belonging to it were 54 
pieces of artillery. Gibbon's Division had about 
5,000 men; but "Paddy" Owen's Pennsylvania bri- 

287 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

gade was left on the north side of the river and the 
two brigades in Fredericksburg numbered all told 
about 3,300; so that Sedgwick had nearly 27,000 men. 

As has been stated General Lee had left to de- 
fend Fredericksburg Early's Division of four bri- 
gades of Jackson and Barksdale's brigade of Mc- 
Laws' Division of Longstreet, General Wilcox's Ala- 
bama Brigade was four miles above watching 
Banks' Ford. Early's Division had about 8,200 men, 
Barksdale's Mississippi Brigade (four regiments) 
about 1,200, and in the 20 or more batteries there 
were perhaps 1,200 — or in all 10,600 men to fight 
General Sedgwick's nearly 27,000. But the Confeder- 
ates were in those strong positions of awful memory; 
Marye's Heights and the stone wall at their base 
which had resisted Burnside's mighty attack the 
previous December. 

General Barksdale's Brigade occupied the heights 
immediately in rear of the town, including Marj^e's 
Hill and the stone wall at its base. Early's Division 
held the right, below town, where Franklin had 
attacked. Three companies of the Washington Artil- 
lery, from New Orleans, were stationed on the crest, 
and Sunday morning General Early sent Harry Hays' 
Louisiana Brigade to re-enforce Barksdale. The 
sunken road behind the stone wall was then success- 
fully defended by Cobb's Georgia brigade and three 
other regiments, with later four more regiments to 
help, while the crest was held at its front by nine 
guns of the same Washington Artillery (that was 
now stronger here by four guns,) and it had Han- 
son's Brigade (under Cooke) and a part of Ker- 
shaw's on its right and left. 

General Sedgwick first felt of the extreme lower 
end of Early's position with Howe's Division and 
found it strong. He had ordered Gibbon's two bri- 

288 



CHi^NCELLORSVILLE AND FREDERICKSBURG 

gades across, and now he sent them cautiously and 
tentatively against the Confederate left or north. 
Gibbon took the brigade out to near Mary Washing- 
ton's tomb, where they were stopped for a time 
by the greater canal. Then a "feeling" attack was 
made, and the result of the three investigations con- 
vinced General Sedgwick that the heights could only 
be carried by direct assault, involving brave and gal- 
lant conduct on the part of a strong force. 

About 11 o'clock (Sunday, May 3) General Sedg- 
wick began his movement to carry the Heights of 
Fredericksburg, Marye's Hill and the elevation to its 
south now called Lee's Hill, the latter defended by 
Early's three divisions. To carry the works held by 
Early, Howe's Division of the Sixth Corps was as- 
signed; to take the sunken road and Marye's Hill, 
there were elaborate preparations. 

The attack on Marye's was made under the di- 
rection of General John Newton and regiments from 
his division made it. 

The order to advance was given at 11 o'clock. 
Generals Sedgwick and Newton watched the attack 
from the garden of a brick residence on the left of 
the Telegraph road on the outskirts of town. The 
Confederates repeated the tactics used in repelling 
the charges the previous December. The Washing- 
ton Artillery opened as the column emerged from 
town. 

The Confederate artillery increased its fire and 
the roar of cannon was continuous. Barksdale's 
Mississippians, behind the stone wall, held their fire 
until the line and columns got up close, when they 
gave a murderous volley and the Washington Artil- 
lery poured a great storm of canister and grape 
upon the assailants. For a moment the heads of the 
columns and the front of the battle line wavered, 

289 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

and Sedgwick and Newton, back at the brick house, 
were greatly alarmed. 

Then the "line of battle" advanced towards the 
crest and the skirmish line of the Fifth Wisconsin 
was the first to reach that long coveted position. All 
three batteries of the Washington Artillery did not 
have time to get away, and Captain Richardson's 
battery was captured, the captain surrendering and 
handing his sword to Col. Tom Allen of the Fifth 
Wisconsin. Then the columns came up and the whole 
crest of Marye's Heights was occupied, after months 
of waiting and effort, by the Union troops. What 
was left of Barksdale's Brigade and the Confederate 
artillery fell back down the telegraph road south- 
ward, two miles, to the Cox house and farm, where 
they took up a new position. 

Lee, feeling assured that Hooker would not take 
advantage of the Confederate withdrawal, sent for- 
ward with all speed towards Fredericksburg Ma- 
hone's Brigade of Anderson's Division and the three 
brigades of McLaws to join their comrade brigade 
of Barksdale and to help AVilcox check Sedgwick. 
They hurried down at quick time, notwithstanding 
they had been fighting hard the night before and all 
that morning, and when they came to where Wilcox's 
brigade was in line Mahone went to its left and Ker- 
shaw on its right; then when General McLaws came 
up he sent also Semmes' brigade to the left and 
Wofford's to the right, and then five good brigades 
were in line in the woods awaiting Sedgwick's ap- 
proach and attack. 

The attack was soon on. Brooke's Division came 
up about 5 P. M., and Brown's New Jersey and 
Bartlett's mixed brigade plunged at once into the 
thick brush copses on both sides of the road. Some 

290 



CHANCELLORSVILLE AND FKEDERICKSBURO 

writers are of the opinion that on this Sunday even- 
ing, May 3, at Salem Church, occurred the hardest 
and bravest fighting of the war. Frank Wheaton's 
brigade of Newton's Division went to the extreme 
right. These three brigades went bravely forward 
through the brush and thickets and drove back the 
Confederates to the crest of a hill in the rear where 
Salem Church stood and where there were some 
rifle pits. The crest was afterward called Salenj 
Heights. The brush only served to conceal the Con- 
federates; the tree growth was so small that it was 
no protection from their well-delivered volleys. The 
attacking forces lost heavily. 

At the crest and rifle pits there was plenty of 
desperate and bloody fighting for some minutes. 
Then the Union troops were driven back. Again 
they rallied, advanced, fought, and were driven 
back; and yet again they rallied, advanced and were 
driven back. Then darkness came on and they gave 
o'er; but it had taken five of the best brigades in 
Lee's army to make them do it. 

Monday morning. May 1, found each of the con- 
tending armies cut in two, and the opposing halves 
were deadlocked. Hooker had assumed the defensive, 
and Lee feared to attack him with less than the 
whole Confederate force, and this force could not 
be concentrated until Sedgwick was disposed of. 
Sedgwick felt able to hold his own, but not strong 
enough to now attack the enemy in his front. Wil- 
cox had been re-enforced by Early's Division and 
Barksdale's Mississippi and Harry Hay's Louisiana 
brigade which had come up from the Cox farm and 
re-occupied the Fredericksburg heights and were 
demonstrating against the Union rear; they put 
hundreds of skirmishers in the streets of Fredericks- 
burg. 

291 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Early that Monday morning, too, General Lee 
came up from Chancellorsville, with R. H. Anderson's 
big division, and took charge of movements designed 
to cut off Sedgwick from Banks' Ford and either 
capture or destroy him before he could re-cross the 
Rappahannock. 

General Sedgwick, now with less than 20,000 men 
and nine batteries, fought his way to Banks' Ford 
against 24,000 Confederates (Early's, McLaws, and 
Anderson's) and 17 batteries which were in the 
presence and under command of General Lee him- 
self, and then did not re-cross the Rappahannock 
until he received Hooker's positive orders to do so. 

As soon as it was dark Newton's and Brooks' 
Divisions, with Burnham's Light Brigade, fell rapidly 
back upon Banks' Ford, took position on the heights 
and in the rifle pits there, and were ready to fight 
again. Howe 's Division came back at 10 :30 and 
every wagon, cannon carriage, and other wheeled 
vehicle was brought back. At 2 o'clock the next 
morning Hooker ordered Sedgwick to recross the 
river with all his force and then take up the bridge. 
The order was splendidly obeyed, under a brisk shell- 
ing from the Confederate batteries, and everything 
was across in two hours but the last regiment of the 
rear guard, and it was on the bridge, when another 
order came from General Hooker countermanding 
the order to cross. It was then near daylight, the 
Confederates were crowding down to the river with 
their batteries. Sedgwick went into camp on the 
north side of the river in the vicinity of Banks' 
Ford, watching it and guarding it. 

It was not the Union army that was beaten at 

\ Chancellorsville, but its commander, and his conduct 

on this occasion severely and permanently injured 

292 



CHANCELLORSVILLE AND FEEDERICKSBURG 

his reputation. His officers ridiculed his generalship; \ 
his rank and file swore at him, and tens of thousands 
of them could not understand how they had been 
defeated in a battle in which they had not fired a 
shot. His cruel conduct in trying to make General 
Sedgwick the goat of the unfortunate battle was 
ignominious. Sedgwick's brilliant exploit in carry- 
ing Fredericksburg Heights, and his victorious de- 
fense of Banks' Ford are yet the only bright places 
in the gloomy history of Hooker's hapless Rappahan- J 
nock campaign. 



OQ o 
^ t7 o 



1 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 

AT SECOND FREDERICKSBURG. 

T was not until Saturday, May 2, when Gibbon's 
Division began its part of the Chancellorsville 
campaign. Then Owen's Pennsylvania Brigade was 
ordered up to Banks' Ford, to protect that cross- 
ing. That night General Gibbon received orders to 
cross the two remaining brigades of his division and 
occupy Fredericksburg, and this involved laying 
pontoon bridges. The brigades appeared at division 
headquarters, near the Lacy house, at 1 a. m., Sun- 
day, ready for work. 

Colonel Hudson, of the Eighty-second New York, 
had commanded the first brigade until the 2d, when 
he was succeeded by Col. Byron Laflin, of the Thirty- 
fourth New York. Ever since April 29th the bri- 
gade had been kept ready to move, every soldier with 
eight days' rations and 140 rounds of ammunition. 
On the night of the first the Ninteenth Maine was 
ordered away to guard the military telegraph, from 
Falmouth up to the U. S. Ford, so that the brigade 
now was composed of the four old regiments, First 
Minnesota, Fifteenth Massachusetts, and the Thirty- 
fourth and Eighty-second New York. 

At the Lacy House a call was made for 100 
volunteers from the brigade — 25 from each regiment 
— to cross the river as a storming party to dislodge 
the enemy in the town. It was supposed that this 
would be a very tough job, for it was well remem- 
bered what the experience of the Seventh Michigan 
and the other regiments of Hall's Brigade was when 
they performed a similar task the previous December. 
But now so many men volunteered from this brigade 

294 



AT SECOND FREDERICKSBURG 

for the perilous duty that not one in fifteen could 
be accepted. 

Luckily the brave 100 had no serious fighting to 
do ; the Confederate skirmish line retired before they 
could get across, after fighting with them and the 
bridge party for an hour or so. Then the 100 went 
forward to the skirmish line and fought the enemy 
all day under Colonel Hall, of the Third Brigade. 

It was after daylight on Sunday morning, May 
3, before the brigade crossed on the pontoon. Colonel 
Laflin moved forv/ard and formed it on Princess 
Anne street, the third from the river, the left on the 
right of Hall's brigade. General Sedgwick now 
ordered General Gibbon to take the two brigades 
out, cross the mill race near Mary Washington's 
tomb, and attack the left of the enemy's works above 
the town and carry them, thus turning Marye's 
Heights. These works were occupied by General 
Wilcox's brigade of five Alabama regiments. Colonel 
Hall at once moved out and Colonel Laflin followed 
him with the First Brigade. 

At half the distance from the river to the 
enemy's works a broad and deep canal lay at the 
foot of the hill on the crest of which Wilcox had his 
breastworks. Colonel Hall, under direction of Gen- 
eral Warren, chief engineer, repaired a bridge over 
this canal, under the fire of two guns from Frank 
Huger's Confederate battery. (See Wilcox's report.) 
The mill race ran from the canal and the canal was 
distinct work from the race. 

The two brigades crossed the canal and Laflin 's 
marched across an open field and went into position, 
with the left of the brigade connecting with Hall's 
and the right resting on the Rappahannock. Colonel 
Laflin now sent out skirmishers up a road running 

295 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

back from the river and they soon found Wilcox's 
brigade on the crest of the ridge in front of Dr. 
Taylor's house and behind strong fortifications. The 
entire movement was performed under constant fire 
from Lewis' and Huger's batteries. "Wilcox was 
watching an opportunity to participate in the Con- 
federate movements to keep Sedgwick from carrying 
Marye's Hill. But for the presence of Laflin's Bri- 
gade, he would have marched eastward and been 
under the hill, in the outskirts of the town, in a 
position to fall on the flank of Newton's columns 
when they were preparing to make their successful 
charge. The march of the brigade to the canal 
was a great surprise to General Wilcox. In his 
report (War Recs.) he says: 

"My command was being formed to 
march to Chancellorsville, when one of my 
pickets came running from the canal in front 
of Dr. Taylor's to report to me that the 
enemy were advancing up the road between 
the canal and the river. Gathering up my 
pickets I deployed them as skirmishers 
along the crest of the hill in front of Dr. 
Taylor's and near the canal. Two rifled 
pieces of Huger's battery were ordered in- 
to position in the battery across the road 
from Dr. Taylor's. * * * Huger's pieces 
opened with a fire of shell upon the enemy 
who had halted in the road upon the display 
of our skirmishers." 

After resting for a time in front of Wilcox's 
position, and under constant fire from it, the two 
brigades were ordered away. Newton's columns and 
the other assaulting Union forces were storming the 
Fredericksburg heights and Gibbon's brigades were 
needed as supports. Hall's brigade, being in the 
lead, marched first and going eastward soon reached 

296 



AT SECOND FREDERICKSBURG 

the rear of the right charging column which it was 
ordered to support. At double quick the brigade 
advanced and crossed the stone wall position, but 
kept on toward the crest, which it reached just after 
the storming columns had driven the Confederates 
away. 

At the stone wall Colonel Hall sent forward the 
100 men of the storming party of the First Brigade 
as skirmishers, and followed behind them with his 
brigade in line of battle. The gallant 100 were 
under command of Captain Ryerson, of the Eighty- 
second New York. They attacked the enemy's 
skirmishers to the right, charged them and drove 
them to the crest of the ridge and kept after them. 
They chased the fleeing Confederates nearly a mile, 
and came back with 90 prisoners, nearly a "Johnny" 
for eA^ery man of the 100. And not a man of the 
gallant phalanx was killed and only a few wounded. 

Laflin's Brigade followed Hall's from the canal 
to the second heights, where it remained in position 
for some time and then, under orders, returned to the 
streets of Fredericksburg, and from thence at about 
4 p. m. re-crossed the river, half by the Lacy House 
pontoon and the other half by the lower bridge, with 
orders to protect both bridges until they were re- 
moved. In his report Colonel Laflin complimented 
the entire brigade on its good conduct, saying among 
other things that there had been but four stragglers, 
and that only 16 men had been wounded. He made 
especial reference to Lieut. Josias R. King, of the 
First Minnesota, whose good services, he said, were 
highly appreciated and commended. 

In the movements of Gibbon's Division and Laf- 
lin's First Brigade at Second Fredericksburg, the 
First Minnesota was commanded by Lieut. Col. Wm. 

297 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Colville. Colonel Morgan had tendered his resigna- 
tion on account of ill health, and was not fit for duty ; 
the resignation was accepted May 5 and Colonel 
Morgan given a position in the Reserve Corps. 

When the brigade crossed the canal and con- 
fronted General Wilcox, Colonel Colville observed 
\^ the Confederates placing some of the guns of Lewis' 
Virginia Battery in position to enfilade not only the 
First Minnesota, but the Thirty-fourth New York 
as well. Colonel Laflin, the brigade commander, 
gave Colville permission to place the First Minnesota 
in the intrenchments constructed and abandoned by 
Wilcox's men, and which ran along and parallel with 
the Rappahannock. No sooner had the Minnesotians 
settled down in these rifle pits than Wilcox's bat- 
teries opened on them and gave them a vigorous 
shelling; but the protection was too good and the 
artillery fire was quite ineffective and in a few 
minutes it was stopped. Of this incident General 
Wilcox reports : 

"The enemy halted in the road upon 
the display of our skirmishers and our ar- 
tillery fire. The advanced one of these regi- 
ments moved down the river in front of 
Falmouth and sought shelter from our artil- 
lery fire in the rifle pits along the river; the 
other regiments remained in the road, lying 
down; the stone knolls on either side of 
the road gave them good protection." 

The Regiment bade good-bye to Wilcox's Brigade 
(to meet it two months later) and marched with its 
own brigade to the crest of Marye's Heights, then 
back to town, arriving at 3 p. m., and then re-crossed 
the river. Arriving on the north bank it guarded 
the lower pontoon bridge that night and all day 
Monday; then it moved up and guarded the Lacy 

298 



AT SECOND FREDERICKSBURG 

House bridge until Tuesday evening. Both bridges 
having been removed safely, the regiment went into 
camp. 

The First Minnesota had nine men wounded, 
Benj. Fenton, of the St. Anthony company; Almeron 
Davis of the Red Wing company; Ed. P. Phillips, 

Albert Johnson, and Reed, of the Faribault 

company; Greenhalt Hess, of the Hastings company; 
C. B. Boardman and A. Shaw, of the Winona com- 
pany; Nicholas Guntzer of Company A, St. Paul. 



299 



CHAPTER XXXV. 

IN CAMP ON STAFFORD HEIGHTS. 

FOR a month the First Minnesota, with the rest 
of the army, remained in camp on Stafford 
Heights, immediately opposite Fredericksburg. Gib- 
bon's Division encamped just below the Lacy House, 
("Chatham") near the river. The camps were with- 
in a mile of Marye's Heights, now in possession of 
the enemy whose guns were stuck along the crest 
as thickly, almost, as pins in the original rows. If 
so disposed, the Confederates could easily send shells 
into the tents or down the streets of the Union 
camps. Confederate infantry, too, were encamped 
across the river Avithin plain sight, and almost di- 
rectly under the Union batteries on the heights. 

The situation was somewhat curious. Here were 
deadly enemies within striking distance of one an- 
other, with all of the means and appliances of war- 
fare, and yet no man offering to fire a shot. There 
Avas a tacit understanding betAveen the soldiers of the 
respectiA'e armies that an armed truce Avas on. 
Lochren notes that the pickets on each side of the 
narrow river, then fordable, stood picket and were 
regularly relicA^ed Avithin a stone's throAv. On both 
sides the men were mostly seasoned soldiers, who 
Avould have fought one another to the death in battle 
or under orders, but Avho noAV considered that to 
shoot a man in the opposite army Avould be prac- 
tically an act of assassination, a species of Avarfare 
to AA^hich they Avere not inclined. 

LoAver down the river the Confederates made a 
seine, and as the Rappahannock was then shallow 
and fish were abundant, they had fine times seining 

300 



IN CAMP ON STAFFORD HEIGHTS 

the river and drawing out fine catches of shad, perch 
and other fish. Nothing could prevent the Yankee 
soldiers from slipping across after dark and joining 
these fishing parties and sharing in the catch. This 
unauthorized communication with the enemy irri- 
tated General Hooker to such an extent that he 
wrote General Lee about it in protest, and saying 
that he must endeavor to "put a stop to the practice 
of seine fishing from the south side of the river." 
(War Bees., Vol. 25, part 2, p. 521.) But General 
Lee paid no attention to the protest ; the fish helped 
out the scanty rations of his men, and the seining 
parties were occasions of a peculiar enjoyment which 
did no harm to either army. 

Up at the town, opposite Sophia street, communi- 
cation between the two armies was more ' restricted 
and guarded. The soldiers were forbidden to talk 
to their enemies, or to halloo across to them. But 
Lochren says the Minnesota men constructed minia- 
ture boats and rafts out of juniper (red cedar) fitted 
them with sails and rudders and sent them safely 
over the river laden with Northern newspapers, cof- 
fee, and salt ; the Confederates sent back similar 
crafts with cargoes of Eichmond papers and Virginia 
leaf tobacco. 

Although conversation between the hostile ranks 
was strictly forbidden, the men improved every op- 
portunity to talk to one another, orders or no orders. 
The pickets were the most frequent violators of the 
rule. "Say, Yanks," the Confederates would sudden- 
ly cry out; "our officer of the day has gone up 
town ; if yours is there, buck and gag him. How are 
you all this mawnin?" Then would follow a conver- 
sation on miscellaneous subjects. Quite often there 
was sharp badinage. It was a favorite theory of the 
Confederates that every Union soldier was a "black 

301 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Abolitionist," or a "nigger lover," of various shades 
of ebony, in proportion to the intensity of his regard 
for the negro. 

"What have you all done with McClellan? Why 
did you remove him? Wasn't he black enough for 
you?" This from the Confederates. The Yankee 
reply was: "Little Mac is all right; his only fault 
is that you like him too well." 

"Hev ye got the nigger gal picked out that ye 
are goin' to marry and take back up Nawth?" 
"Well, I picked out a yaller gal the other day but 
she turned out to be your half-sister and I won't 
have her." 

"When are you all comin' over to whip us agin?" 
(This very sarcastically.) "0, we will come some day, 
and when we do, you'll get your licking all right." 

The Union boys asked questions, too, and often 
embarrassing queries. They delighted to confuse 
the Confederates by asking what they were fighting 
for — what rights of theirs were in danger, how many 
negro slaves they owned, or ever expected to own, 
etc. 

Of course there had to be drills and reviews and 
fatigue duty and the other routine of a soldier's 
camp life ; but the time passed very well. On the 
10th of June General Couch, the Second Corps' very 
excellent leader, was after repeated requests, relieved 
from the command of that corps and transferred to 
the head of the new Department of the Susquehanna, 
and Major-General Hancock, the superb soldier, so 
long in command of the First Division became the 
commander of the trefoil corps. 

General Sully got a command in Dakota to fight 
the Sioux, and May 10 bade the First Regiment good- 
bye and set out for his new field, followed by the 
good wishes of every man in the regiment. Gen. Wxn. 

302 




BVT. BRIG. GEN. WILLIAM COLVILL, 
The Fifth Colonel of the Regiment. 



m 





Cr.lntiel ,.r ill, ■R,'f;iini-r'it 



IN CAMP ON STAFFORD HEIGHTS 

Harrow succeeded to the command of the former 
Sully's Brigade. General Harrow had been colonel j 

of the Fourteenth Indiana and won his stars fairly | 

under Shields in the Shenandoah Valley and in j 

French's Division at Antietam. j 

Colonel Morgan's resignation as Colonel of the j 

First Minnesota became effective May 5 and Lieut. 
Col. Wm. Colvill became colonel in his stead. Maj> 
Chas. Powell Adams became Lieutenant Colonel, and , 

Capt. Mark Downie became Major. All the new field 
officers took rank from May 6, 1863. 



103 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 

GENESIS OF THE GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. 

AFTER Jackson's death at Chancellorsville, Lee 
had reorganized his army by dividing it into 
three Corps. The First he left with his "old war 
horse," Longstreet ; the Second, Jackson's old corps, 
was given to Gen. R. S. Ewell, and the Third was 
created for Gen. A. P. Hill. Gen. Dan H. Hill was 
a better general than either Ewell or A. P. Hill, but 
Longstreet says, "not being a Virginian he was not 
as well advertised," and not in so much favor with 
what was called "the Virginia ring," Avhich always. 
got Virginians promoted when possible. Both Ewell 
and A. P. Hill were Virginians. 

There were three divisions to the corps and four 
brigades to the division, except Richard H. Ander- 
son's, Rodes' and Pickett's, each of which had five 
brigades. 

General Lee's preparations for his march north- 
ward, began June 3rd, when he started Longstreet 's 
Corps from Fredericksburg. 

Within a day after, the scouts and balloon ob- 
servers of the Union army "had discovered signs of 
activity on the other side of the Rappahannock — 
troops in motion, dust rising from roads in rear of 
Lee's encampments and other tokens which indicated 
a forward movement, which, on various grounds 
Hooker had surmised might at any time be under- 
taken, and accordingly he was not even for a day 
nonplussed." (Young, "Battle of Gettysburg," p. 90.) 

Hooker had in mind a possible movement against 
the enemy's rear, if the latter inaugurated another 
movement toward the north. Such a movement he 

304 



GENESIS OF THE GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN 

suggested to President Lincoln on the 5th day of 
June, (Off. Rec. XXVII, 1:30.) On the same day 
Hooker sent an engineer force and the Second Bri- 
gade of Howe's Division, commanded by Col. Lewis 
A. Grant (now Gen^ L^wis A. Grant residing at 
Minneapolis) leading the way, across the Rappa- 
hannock at Franklin's former crossing, and found 
Hill's Corps in position. 

Hooker was not permitted by the President and 
General Ilalleck to undertake the movement across 
the river on Lee's rear. 

The communications between Hooker and his 
superiors continued until the 10th of June, but in the 
meantime he had broken up his permanent camps and 
prepared to move his army as occasion demanded. 
On June 9th Hooker ordered his Cavalry under 
General Pleasanton to develop the situation on his 
right. This brought on the Cavalry engagement at 
Kelly's Ford. 

In General Stuart's baggage, captured in this en- 
gagement, were found letters and orders showing that 
Lee was moving to the north, and this advised 
Hooker that he must move his army to prevent his 
right flank being turned and a possible attack on 
Washington. 

The real beginning of Lee's movement (after 
his concentration at Culpeper) was on June 10th, 
when Ewell's Corps started for the Shenandoah val- 
ley. Hooker moved his army to Manassas and there- 
after kept his forces at all times safely between Lee's 
army and Washington as both armies advanced 
across the Potomac to the field of Gettsyburg. 

As soon as A. P. Hill was Avell in the Shenandoah 
Valley and prepared to care for it. General Ewell 
resumed his march northward with his Corps. June 
22d he crossed the Potomac at Shepherdstown and 

305 



THE FIRST LIINNESOTA 

Williamsport and marched by way of the Antietam 
battleground to Ilagerstown. He sent General Im- 
boden, with a brigade of cavalry, westward to des- 
troy the Baltimore & Ohio railroad and the Ches- 
apeake & Ohio canal. Gen. A. G. Jenkins, with his 
brigade of Virginia cavalry, was pushed swiftly up 
to "chambersburg, Pennsj^lvania, which he occupied 
on the 23d. Nearly the whole of "W^estern Pennsyl- 
vania, up to the Susquehanna, was now open to 
Ewell's men to come and go, to forage at will, to 
have the time of their lives, with none to molest 
them or make them afraid. 

A majority of the Confederate soldiers were poor 
men, lived in poor districts amid poor surroundings 
and had never before traveled far from home, and 
they were simply astounded at the prosperity and 
the magnificent bounties possessed and enjoyed by 
the Pennsylvania farmers. Col. John C. AVest of the 
Fourth Texas, writes in his little book ("A Texan 
in Search of a Fight) "The pig-pens and hen-houses 
of the farmers of the region were far more stylish 
and comfortable than the residences of the average 
Texas farmer, Avhile I never saw finer private resi- 
dences in any southern city than those of many of 
the Pennsylvania farmers. As to agricultural stores, 
live stock, etc., I never before thought that any 
region on earth could be made to produce so abun- 
dantly." 

T\^ith no hostile force to interfere with him but 
the not very formidable "green" Pennsylvania mili- 
tia, General Ewell's movements were practically un- 
restricted. From Chambersburg he moved his corps 
northward, sending Rodes' Division northeast to 
Carlisle and Early's Division eastward to York, by 
way of the South Mountain ridge and Gettysburg. 
Then from York Early dispatched Gordon's Brigade 

306 



GENESIS OF THE GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN 

eastward to Wrightsville to seize the fine bridge over 
the Susquehanna there. Wrightsville is on the west 
side and Columbia on the. east side of the Susque- 
hanna at that point. Early meant to cross the river, 
go eastward a few miles and capture Lancaster, then 
go up northward and capture Harrisburg, the state 
cai^ital. 

^ But the battalion of Pennsylvania militia at 
AA^rightsville won a great victory for the Union 
cause. They skirmished with Gordon's Brigade 
until they sustained a small loss, then they retreated 
across the bridge, having first set it on fire so 
thoroughly that it burned up despite General Gor- 
don's efforts to put out the fire. This saved Lancas- 
ter and Harrisburg. 

General Ewell's command spent several days in 
riotous living in Pennsylvania. They fairly reveled 
in good eating and drinking. They gathered up 
3,000 head of good fat cattle which they sent down 
to Longstreet and A. P. Hill's hungry men, and they 
informed them where in Maryland 5,000 barrels of 
flour could be had. (Longst. Man. to Appo., 345.) 
Gen. elubal Early was a cheerful and very enterpris- 
ing robber. He commanded a diA'ision of E^vell's 
Corps and made the most of his position and power. 
This is his report (War Recs.) of what he did to the 
town of York : 

"I made a requisition on the authorities 
for 2,000 pairs of shoes, 1,000 hats, 1,000 
pairs of socks, $100,000 in monev and three 
days' rations of all kinds. Subsequently 
about 1.500 pairs of shoes, the Iiats, socks 
and rations were furnished, but only $28.- 
600 in money was furnished, the mayor and 
other authorities protesting their inability 
to get any more money, as it had all been 
run off previously. * * * i determined to 

307 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

cross over the Susquehanna, march upon 
Lancaster, and lay that town under contri- 
bution * * * i3^t this prospect was 
thwarted by the destruction of the bridge 
over the Susquehanna." 

The authorities of the town of York had the al- 
ternative of seeing their town burned in case they 
did not comply with General Early's chivalrous 
requistion; he plainly told them so. 

The Confederate invasion of Pennsylvania pro- 
duced intense excitement and alarm throughout the 
North. The southern half of the Keystone State 
trembled through and through; bankers, merchants, 
and many others sent off their money and valuables 
for safe keeping ; thousands of farmers, with their 
live stock and household goods, hastened to the 
north of the Susquehanna, yet leaving plenty behind; 
Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Washington were con- 
sidered in extreme peril, and even New York City 
was not thought to be beyond the danger line. 

As early as June 15th, President Lincoln, fore- 
seeing this invasion, had called out 100,000 militia 
from Pennsylvania, Ohio, Maryland, and AVest Vir- 
ginia, to serve six months unless sooner discharged. 
The governors of all these states soon had their 
respective quotas at the places of rendezvous. Gov. 
Horatio Seymour of New York, and Gov. Joel 
Parker, of New Jersey, both ardent "War Democrats, 
voluntarily called upon the citizens of their states 
to go to the assistance of their neighbors. Cordially 
were these calls responded to and thousands of New 
York and New Jersey militia and unorganized citi- 
zens were soon swarming upon all railroad trains 
running to the Susquehanna, furnishing their oWn 
arms and rations. 

With their Corps, A. P. Hill and Longstreet 

308 



GENESIS OF THE GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN 

crossed the Potomac into Maryland June 24 and 25, 
Hill at Sheplierdstown and Longstreet at Williams- 
port, and both followed Ewell's paths into Penn- 
sylvania. No further danger to the National Capital 
being apprehended, Hooker gathered up the forces 
that had been protecting it — and which were dis- 
tributed over a considerable region — and crossed his 
entire army over the Potomac at Edwards Ferry, on 
the 25th and 26th, and made a movement to con- 
centrate his forces at Frederick. 

From Frederick General Hooker meditated a 
movement against Lee's rear and right flank. He 
ordered Slocum's Twelfth Corps to Plarper's Ferry 
and he proposed to make the movement with that 
corps and the 11,000 men at Harper's Ferry under 
General French. On the 26th he telegraphed Halleck : 
"Is there any reason why Maryland Heights should 
not be abandoned after the public stores and prop- 
erty are removed?" The next day he again tele- 
graphed Halleck, giving some excellent reasons why 
Harper's Ferry should be abandoned and its garrison 
put into the field. Halleck answered that Maryr 
land Heights (Harper's Ferry) had always been 
regarded as an important point, that much expense 
and labor had been spent in fortifying them, and 
that he would not approve their abandonment, ''ex- 
cept in case of absolute necessity." Without assur- 
ing Halleck that the "case of absolute necessity" 
was present, Hooker — did something else. 

General Hooker was not solely dependent on the 
troops at Harper's Ferry to make his contemplated 
movement on Lee's rear; he had plenty of others 
that were not needed elsewhere. So important was 
that movement that he should have made it at all 
hazards. There is not room here to give all the 
reasons why it would have succeeded, but General 

309 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Longstreet, in his "Manassas to Appomattox," (p. 
348) says: 

"If General Hooker had been granted 
the authority for which he applied, he would 
have struck our trains, which were wholly 
exposed from Chambersburg to the Poto- 
mac, without even a cavalryman to ride m 
and report the trouble. General Stuart was 
riding around Hooker's army, Robertson was 
in Virginia, Imboden at Hancock, and Jen- 
kins with General EavcII. With our trains 
destroyed the army would have been in a 
ruinous condition." 

An hour after sending his reasons why Harper's 
Ferry should be abandoned, General Hooker, from 
Harper's Ferry, telegraphed General Halleck that he 
wished to be relieved from the command of the 
Army of the Potomac. The President, who had ap- 
pointed him, promptly accepted his resignation and 
appointed General Meade, then at Frederick, to suc- 
ceed him. General Hooker did not allege in his 
telegram that his resignation was caused by Halleck 's 
refusal to order the evacuation of I^Iaryland Heights. 
He said: 

"Mv original instructions require me to 
cover Harper's Ferry and M^ashington. I 
have now imposed upon me. in addition, an 
enemy in my front of more than my number. 
I beg to be understood, respectfully but firm- 
ly, that I am unable to comply with this 
condition with the means at my disposal, and 
I earnestly request that I may at once be re- 
lieved from the position I occupy." 

For some time it was thought that General Hooker 
would be removed, but it was believed that General 
Reynolds would be his successor. Indeed Reynolds 
half expected this; but when the real commander 

310 



I 



GENESIS OF THE GETTYSBUEG CAMPAIGN 

was announced he put on his best uniform and rode 
over and took Meade's hand in both of his, con- 
gratulated him most heartily, and swore to serve him 
most loyally. General Meade received the highest 
assurances from all the other generals. He had 
grown up, as it were, in the Army of the Potomac, 
having entered it in August, 1861, as a brigade com- 
inander, and had actually won the place by merit- 
orious service. 

Like Burnside, General Meade protested against 
])eiug given the command. He, too, alleged his own 
unfitness and urged that it be given to Keynolds. 

General Hooker tried to get a subordinate com- 
mand under ]Meade and Lincoln was anxious to give 
it to him, but General Meade protested. (Nie. & Hay, 
Vol. 7, p. 227.) He was finally given command of the 
troops sent to Chattanooga after Chickamauga, and 
Avhen the Eleventh and Twelfth Corps were con- 
olidated into the Twentieth, he was given com- 
mand of that Corps. He was a fine soldier, and a 
loyal and patriotic man. He won great reputation at 
Lookout Mountain and on the Atlanta campaign; but 
when General Howard was given command of the 
Vrmy of the Tennessee by General Sherman, Hooker 
sked to be relieved from command and his request 
was granted. 



311 



CHAPTEE XXXVII. 

FROM FREDERICKSBURG TO HAYMARKET. 

ALL through the month of May and until in the 
second week of June the First Minnesota re- 
mained in its camp on Stafford Heights. Rumors of 
marching orders were circulated almost every day. 
And at last marching day came. The Third, First 
and Eleventh Corps began the movement of Hooker's 
army northward June 11 ; these corps constituted 
the Right Wing of the army, which was commanded 
by General Reynolds, and they, with the Fifth, moved 
toward Manassas. On the 13th the three other 
corps, the Sixth, Twelfth and Second, began their; 
march ; the Second acted as rear guard and was the 
last to leave the camps. 

The First Minnesota, with other regiments of 
Harrow's brigade, moved out on the evening of the 
14th, marched a few miles, halted for an hour, faced 
about, marched back to the Rappahannock, arriving 
at midnight, and was sent out on picket. Early on 
the morning of the 15th, the march was resumed, 
and passing over the farm where George Washington 
spent his youth and early manhood, the brigade 
reached Stafford C. H. at about 9 a. m. Here the 
court house was in flames, having been fired by some 
wretches from the preceding column. At 2 o'clock, 
under an almost scorching sun, the march was re- 
sumed and continued northeast to a camp a mile 
beyond Acquia Creek, which empties into the lower 
Potomac. 

Particular mention is made of this day's march 
because it was probably the hottest that the First 
Minnesota ever underwent. Although the distance 

312 



FROM FREDERICKSBURG TO HAYfilARKET 

traveled was only about 18 miles, thousands of men 
in Gibbon's Division were completely exhausted. 
There were numerous cases of sunstroke and three 
deaths reported in the division. Every regiment had 
more or less stragglers who fell by the wayside from 
heat prostration and came forward as best they 
could as soon as they recovered. The First Minne- 
sota had its quota of these. General Gibbon was un- 
duly stirred up about the inability of the men to 
undergo the unusual hardship and fatigue. 

To avoid the intense heat the brigade marched at 
3 o'clock in the morning of the 16th and arrived at 
Dumfries, on Quantico Creek, at about 8 a. m. It 
was now out of Stafford and into Prince AVilliam 
county. Continuing northward, it marched to the 
Occoquan by 6 o'clock and the brigade bivouacked 
on its banks at the Wolf Run Shoals. The next day 
Sangster's Station, on the Orange & Alexandria 
Railroad, was reached in the evening, after another 
hot march, during which several men were disabled 
by sunstroke. The regiment was now back on the 
scene of its first operations in July, 1861, near the 
Bull Run battle ground; it first saw Sangster's Sta- 
tion July 17. June 19, a march was made to Center- 
ville, well known and not pleasantly remembered. 

Passing through the little hamlet of Gainesville, 
near where the hard battle of August 28, 1862, was 
fought, the brigade reached Thoroughfare Gap about 
midnight, and here it remained four days, watching 
the pass and furnishing details for train guards. 
Thoroughfare Gap is the pass through the Bull 
Run Mountains which (by withdrawing Ricketts' 
Division) General Pope left open for Lee and Long- 
street to pass through and join Jackson just before 
the Second Bull Run. 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

JEB STUART'S ATTACK AT HAYMARKET. 

In the forenoon of June 25, Gibbon's Division 
was the rear guard of the Second Corps Avhich that 
day marched from Thoroughfare Gap towards Ed- 
Avards Ferry, where it was to cross the Potomac. In 
front of the Division Avas the Corps' long train of 
supply wagons. This had to be carefully guarded, 
for Mosby's band and Stuart's Cavalry were in the 
neighborhood, very much in want of supplies and 
A'ery bold and daring. 

It chanced that, just as the Corps was withdraw- 
ing from the Gap, General Stuart and his cavalry 
were passing through the hamlet of New Baltimore 
toward Gainesville. They were on the famous raid 
which caused them to be absent from Lee's army at 
the battle of Gettysburg and to this absence General 
Lee attributed the disaster Avhieh befell him. At the 
little town of Haymarket where General Hancock 
turned his corps northwards, Stuart came upon 
Gibbon's Division and saw the train. At once 
he opened vigorouslj^ v.nth his horse artillery, 
Breathed 's and Chew's Batteries, and moved for- 
ward some caA^alry skirmishers and captured some 
prisoners, including Captain Johnson, General Han- 
cock's escort, and some couriers that Hancock 
had started to General Zook who v\dth his bri- 
gade was at Gainesville. General Zook was ordered 
to move up and join tlie Corps and told the 
route it would take, and Stuart read and mastered 
the dispatches. The exploding shells * put to flight 
and into a. great panic a crowd of sutlers, negroes, 
and other camp followers that were lingering in the 
rear of Gibbon's Division, and it is said that there 
were some ludicrous scenes. Colonel Colville had 

* Adjutant Earle, Fifteenth Massachusetts, says: "I 
never saw so hard shelling before." 



FROM FREDERICKSBURG TO HAYMARKET 

liis horse killed under liim by one of Stuart's shells, 
and two men of the First Minnesota, Joseph Walsh, 
of Company B, and George A. Kinney of Company 
G, and several other men of the division were 
wounded. The forming of Harrow's brigade and the 
advance of "Webb's caused Stuart to leave the field 
.iud retire towards the Occoquan. 

Now, this little affair at Haymarket turned out to 

)e of great influence on Lee's final defeat. Stuart 
was on a raid around that portion of Hooker's forces 
then in the vicinity of Bull Run, intending to cross 
the Potomac above Edward's Ferry and join Lee 
in Pennsylvania. Had he done so, he could have 
^Tept Lee informed of the movements and where- 
abouts of the Union armies, and it was the lack of 
information on this point which Lee says caused his 
defeat. At the Haymarket, from Hancock's dispatches 
to Zook and from the prisoners, Stuart learned that 
^lancock's Corps and other troops were to be west- 
ward of him, and would remain in that direction for 
some time, and so he could not cross the Potomac 

;bove Edward's Ferry, but must pass lower down. 
Then, after crossing, he must get to Lee's army — 
which was west of the Union line — the best way he 
could. Had he not stopped to fight at Haymarket, 
he could have got to the westward of Hancock's line 
of march, and soon been in communication with Lee. 
Stuart crossed the Potomac at Rowser's Ford, op- 
posite Drafiesville, and then went to Rockville. Here,, 
within sight of the spires of Washington, he captured 
125 six-mule wagons laden with supplies for Meade's 
army. These wagons hindered his marching rapidly, 
and wdien he got into Pennsylvania he rode hard 
night and day trying to find Lee and connect with 
him, and once he parked the wagons, meaning to 
burn them. Then, June 30, he had a fight with 

315 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Farnsworth's cavalry brigade near Hanover, Pa., 
four miles southeast of Gettysburg, and he came 
near being captured. He did not join Lee's army 
until the evening of July 2, and then connected 
with its left on the battlefield of Gettysburg. The 
next day Robertson's Cavalry division came into 
Cashtown. Meanwhile Lee had been getting along 
the best he could with two small commands of 
cavalry, (Jenkins' brigade and "White's battalion) but 
they were not nearly so good at obtaining inform- 
ation as was Stuart and his accomplished scouts. If 
Stuart had not tried to capture Hancock's wagon 
train at Haymarket, Lee might have done better in 
Pennsylvania. (For a full understanding of this 
subject, see Lee's official report in the A¥ar Records; 
Longstreet's "Manassas to Appomattox," McClellan's 
History of Stuart's Cavalry, Cooke's Life of Lee, 
Jones' Life of Lee, etc.) 



316 



CHAPTER XXXVIII. 

FROM HAYMARKET TO GETTYSBURG. 

AT nightfall ou the evening of the Haymarket 
affair, Harrow's Brigade went on to Gum 
Springs and went into bivouac in a drenching rain. 
Rains are usually disliked by soldiers on a ' march, 
but this one was welcomed. It cooled the air and 
made marching possible without seeing men prostrated 
by the heat all along the road, with occasionally the 
corpse of a man who had died from sunstroke. 

At Gum Springs the corps was re-enforced by 
General Hays' New York Brigade under Colonel 
Willard. General Hays was now the commander of 
the third division, to which the new brigade was 
attached. These new regiments more than made up 
in numbers for the loss of the Thirty-fourth New 
York, which had enlisted for only two years, its 
time expiring about June 1. It left the army at 
Stafford Pleights June 9. The First Minnesota es- 
corted it to the railroad station, gave it three rous- 
ing cheers as the train moved and parted with its 
old comrades with sincere regret. 

Another change in the official make-up of the 
Division occurred at Thoroughfare Gap. Gen. J. T. 
Owen, who had been in command of the Pennsylvania 
Brigade for some time, was put under arrest by 
General Gibbon. The vacancy so created was filled 
by the appointment of Gen. Alex. S. Webb, a most 
accomplished officer, who had been serving on staff 
duty and with the artillery, but who was destined 
to become an efficient commander. Old "Paddy" 
OAven went back to Philadelphia. 

The brigade crossed the Potomac at Edward's 

317 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Ferry June 26, and halted near the old camp. This 
was familiar ground to the First Minnesota. On the 
27th Poolesville and Barnesville were passed and 
camp made at the base of Sugar Loaf Mountain. 
The First Minnesota had to send 160 men out on 
jDicket. 

June 28 Urbana was passed and camp made in the 
beautiful A'allev of the IMonoeaey, within sight of 
Frederick. The great hosts of the Union army fairly 
filled the valley. Here the news was received that 
General Meade had superseded General Hooker in 
command of the army. 

At the time General Meade took command, the 
Army of the Potomac was lying around and near 
Frederick, Md., about twenty miles south of the 
Pennsylvania line and twenty-six miles south of 
Gettysburg. He knew that Ewell's Corps had oc- 
cupied the town of Carlisle, and York, and Avas 
threatening to cross the Susquehanna . at Columbia 
and Harrisburg; he knew also that Longstreet and A. 
P. Hill's Corps were somewhere in southwestern 
Pennsylvania, and that General Lee was with them. 
At once General Meade got busj^ to make the Con- 
federates loose their hold on the Susquehanna, for if 
they succeeded in crossing that river, there would 
be serious trouble. 

The very next morning after his appointment, 
General IMeade began gathering up his Corps, and 
the next day, the 29th, put his army in motion due 
northward in his endeavor to overhaul Lee. The 
army moved in three columns, all east of the South 
j\rounta in range, and covering completely Lee's pos- 
sible approach to Baltimore and "Washington. Han- 
cock's Second Corps was sent to Frizzelburg, Md. 
"Meade spread out his Corps on different roads like 
the ribs of a fan, but kept them well in hand so 



FROM HAYMARKET TO GETTYSBURG 

that he could concentrate them in a short time. The 
rib of the fan on which the Second Corps moved 
was the extreme eastern one. 

On the night of June 30, after his army had 
marched two days, Meade fully believed that Lee 
had loosed his hold on the Susquehanna and was com- 
ing to meet him, concentrating his forces the while. 
The Union general was conVinced that the Confeder- 
ates would attack him and he set about selecting a 
position where he could best receive them. The 
selection he made was along the dividing ridge or 
watershed between the Monocacy, (which flows south 
into the Potomac) and the Avaters running into Ches- 
apeake Bay. The line of defense ran parallel with 
Pipe Creek, a little stream wholly in Maryland, • and 
which flows southwest into the Monocacy. It was a 
splendid line for defense. Orders were issued that 
night for the concentration of the Union Corps, on 
and about the Pipe Creek line, the concentration to 
be the next day, July 1. Pursuant to these orders 
General Reynolds was sent vfith the First, Third and 
Eleventh Corps up to Gettysburg — not to fight a 
battle there, but locate the enemy, hold Gettysburg 
if it could be done without being involved with a 
superior force and mask and conceal the concentra- 
tion on Pipe Creek. The Second Corps and head- 
([uarters were sent to Taneytown, practically on the 
creek. The other Corps within easy marching dis- 
tance. 

Owing to the absence of Stuart's Cavalry, with 
its sharp, news-gathering scouts, it was not until 
June 28 when Lee became aware that the Army of 
the Potomac had crossed into Maryland and was 
at Frederick. That day he was at Chambersburg, Pa., 
with Longstreet and A. P. Hill and Ewell's Corps 
was at York and Carlisle. He feared that General 

319 



THE FIRST :MINNES0TA 

Meade would move westward across the South Moun- 
tain range and cut off the Confederate communication 
with Virginia. 

He was, according to his report, upon the point 
of moving his whole force northward to cross the 
Sus(|uehanna and strike Ilarrisburg, then defended 
by only a few thousand hastily levied militia under 
General Couch. Harrisburg in his possession, he 
might move towards Philadelphia (100 miles distant) 
or Baltimore, or whither he pleased. But now this 
movement must be abandoned. To save his communi- 
cations he must push his army eastward and draw 
General Meade after him, away from his line of 
retreat. He thought Meade would follow him where- 
ever he went. 

So, instead of sending Longstreet and Hill to join 
Ewcll on the intended invasion, Lee ordered them 
to march from Chambersburg eastward through the 
South Mountain range to Gettysburg, 20 miles dis- 
tant. Then he instructed Ewell to countermarch 
southward with his Corps from Yorlc and Carlisle 
to Gettysburg also. These movements were begun 
Monday morning, June 29. The march was made very 
leisurely, for after two days of it Hill's Corps 
bivouacked six miles w(!st, and Ewell's was at Ileid- 
lersburg, nine miles north of Gettysburg. Lee se- 
lected Gettysburg as his point of concentration, not 
to fight a battle there, but because there were more 
roads running southward to the Potomac from that 
town than from any other in the region. 



320 



CHAPTER XXXIX. 

GETTYSBURG. 

TIIP] great battle of Gettysburg, the mightiest 
ever fought on the American continent, was not 
deliberately designed by either of the contending 
armies; it was brought on practically by accident. 
General Lee set out for Gettysburg only to concen- 
trate his army preparatory to moving and fighting 
somewhere else, and to establish a base of operations. 
General Meade sent a portion of his army there 
merely to mask his concentration on Pipe Creek, 
where he expected — or at least hoped — that Lee 
would attack him. The gigantic conflict was 
brought on in the manner to be described. 

"While Meade's army was marching northward, 
Gen. John Buford's cavalry division was thrown 
well out to the left or west flank. June 29, the 
division passed through Gettysburg and pushed out 
reconnaissances west and north. That very morning 
Lee had i)ut bis columns in motion for the town. 

But June 26, on the way to WrightsviJle and 
Columbia, (where it was expected to cross the Sus- 
quehanna) Early's Division had occupied Gettysburg, 
after breaking up the Twenty-sixth Pennsylvania 
militia, which made a pretense of defending the 
place. General Early, of course, made a demand on 
the authorities for supplies, but they responded that 
they had nothing that he demanded. Whereupon 
this chivalric, high-minded leader proceeded to plun- 
der the town. In his report, however, he regretfully 
says: "A search of the stores resulted in securing 
only a very small quantity of supplies, and only 
about 2,000 rations were found in a train of cars, 

321 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

and issued to Gordon's Brigade." The ears and a 
railroad bridge were burned, but no thought was 
given of fighting a battle there. 

On the night of June 30, Buford's cavalry was at 
Gettysburg, with scouts well out to the west and 
north. General Reynolds, with his own First Corps, 
was bivouacked on Marsh Creek, four miles south 
of town, with orders to go into Gettysburg next 
morning. Howard's Eleventh was at Emmittsburg, 
ten miles southwest of town; Sickles' Third and Slo- 
cum's Twelfth Corps were within call, but Sedgwick's 
Sixth, was further off. A. P. Hill's Confederate 
Corps was camped six miles to the west, and Ewell's 
was six or eight miles north, at Heidlersburg, both 
Corps headed for Gettysburg. A collision was cer- 
tain and imminent. The two armies were two great 
storm-clouds charged heavily with thunderbolts, and 
swiftly approaching each other. Their collision 
meant a dreadful and frightful convulsion. 

Each storm cloud meant to receive the assault ot 
the other. General Lee had promised Longstreet 
and Hill that he would be cautious and careful andt 
not assault the Union forces if they were strong and 
in good position; but he did not keep his word. 
General Meade was determined to place his army in 
such a way that Lee would be compelled to attack 
it ; and so he had gone into position on the Pipe 
Creek line to meet his enemy. Lee had been greatly 
relieved when he learned that Meade was east of the 
South Mountain or Blue Ridge Range ; he knew then 
no attempt would be made to the west of that range 
to cut off the Confederate rear. 

Neither Lee nor Meade knew anything about the 
topography of the land at Gettysburg. General 
Meade expected, and really hoped, that Lee would 
occupy the town, for then, in a few days, he would 

322 



GETTYSBURG 

be compelled to attack the strong Union breast- 
works on Pipe Creek. Lee determined to occupy and 
hold Gettysburg as a base, for that town was the 
meeting place of seven great roads coming in from 
as many different directions and important points — 
from Chambersburg, to the west; from Hagerstown 
and Harper's Ferry, to the southwest; from Carlisle 
and Harrisburg, to the north; from York to the 
east ; from Emmittsburg and Washington City, to 
the south, and from Taneytown and Baltimore, on the 
southeast. 

These roads were in effect the spokes of a wheel, 
of which Gettysburg was the hub. The town had 
about 3,500 inhabitants. Lee felt sure that, when 
he had established himself at Gettysburg, Meade 
would attack him. Each cloud, therefore, expected 
to stand still, and let the other blow itself against 
it. The Southern cloud was coming up slowly, but 
none the less portentously. 



CHAPTER XL. 

THE FIRST DAY'S BATTLE. 

TEIE battle of Gettysburg has been so often des- 
cribed in both popular and technical literature, 
that it is not desirable to undertake a repetition, 
except in a general way, of operations that did not 
immediately concern the First Minnesota. 

As already stated, both armies were looking for 
each other, and on the evening of June 30th, General 
Buford with his division (Gamble's and Devin's 
brigades) of Union cavalry, reached Gettysburg and 
there met confederate infantry entering the town 
from the west. Buford drove them toward Cush- 
town over the Chambersburg pike about four miles. 

The next morning the Confederates — Hill's Corps 
composed of Anderson's, Heth's and Pender's Divi- 
sions, comprising about twenty thousand men and 
twenty batteries with 92 guns — drove Buford toward 
Gettysburg. General Reynolds sent Wadsworth's 
division forward to support Buford 's cavalry, and 
himself accompanied those troops, in the meantime 
ordering up Doubleday's and Robertson's Divisions. 

Reynolds' Corps, comprising "Wadsworth's, Rob- 
inson's and Doubleday's divisions consisted of 10,- 
355 men of all arms and 28 guns. 

At about noon Howard's Eleventh Corps came 
up with 10,000 men, but about the same time Ewell's 
Confederate corps came up to strengthen the enemy 
with an additional 19,763 men. By four o'clock p. 
m. the Confederates with over 40,000 men had com- 
pelled the two Union corps of 20,000 men to fall back 
through Gettysburg and take position on Cemetery 

324 



THE FIRST DAY'S BATTLE 

Eidge, an elevated ground south of the village of 
Gettysburg. 

During the contest of that day, General Reynolds 
had been killed and Gen. 0. 0. Howard had assumed 
command of the Union troops consisting of the First 
and Eleventh Corps. 

General Doubleday took command of the First 
Corps on General Reynold's death and Gen, Carl 
Schurz took command of the Eleventh corps, and 




POSITION OF FEDERAL AND CONFEDERATE ARMIES, JUNE 30, 1863 
(Federal, i=i Confederate, ^^) 

General Howard was thus in command of both corps 
at the close of that day's fighting. 

General IMeade was at Taneytown, Md., 12 miles 
south of Gettysburg, when he heard that General 
Reynolds was killed. Immediately he dispatched 
General Hancock of the Second Corps, to ''repre- 
sent me on the field" (Meade's report) and take 
charge of the situation at Gettysburg. 

325 



THE FIKST MINNESOTA , 

The gallant Hancock came galloping up to Gettys- 
burg just as the shattered and confused troops of the 
defeated First and Eleventh Corps were coming 
through the eastern part of town. Steinwehr's Divi- 
sion, of Howard, on Cemetery Hill, and Buford's 
cavalry, on the northern outskirts, were the only 
sound and stable forces to rally upon. The duties 
were now upon Hancock, to halt and straighten up 
the demoralized troops and to select a safe position 
for them. By riding among the men and letting 
them see him, he soon had them in fairly good order. 

Hancock sent word to General Meade that Gettys- 
burg was a good place for the coming battle, and 
that evening went back to Tanneytown to report in 
person on the situation at Gettysburg. 

Although General Meade had contemplated con- 
centrating at Pipe Creek, and there awaiting General 
Lee, he received such information from various 
sources that day, that at six o'clock that evening 
(July 1st) he sent a message to Hancock and Double- 
day at Gettysburg, saying "A battle is now forced on 
us at Gettysburg." An hour and a half later he 
dispatched to Sedgwick "A general battle seems 
to be impending tomorrow at Gettysburg." (Young, 
Batt. of Gettysburg, p. 212; Off. Eec. XXVHI, 3; 
466, 467.) 



12G 



CHAPTER XLI. 

TPIE SECOND DAY'S BATTLE. 

' I 'HE locality known as the battlefield, has been 
■* well described by Jesse Bowman Young in his re- 
cent work on the "Battle of Gettysburg" as follows: 

"The line of battle, laid out by the topo- 
graphy of the region, and impressed upon 
the landscape indelibly for all time, is in 
the form of a fish hook. The end of the 
handle is Little Round Top, the extreme 
Union left flank. 

"From this point the line runs north 
for two miles or more to Cemetery Hill, oc- 
cupying, for most of that distance, an ele- 
vated backbone of rocky land, below and 
east of which, through its entire extent, runs 
the Taneytown road, which unites at an 
acute angle with the road from Emmitts- 
burg near the point wh^ere the line of battle 
bends to climb Cemetery Hill." 

"Here at the cemetery, the ground is 
high, overlooking the town and the terri- 
tory beyond the village, as one glances to 
the north. The line then inclines to the right 
(east) running along an elevated ground, 
back of which runs the Baltimore pike, one 
of the chief lines of communication leading 
to the Union rear, which elevated ground 
finally circles around to the point of the fish 
hook, where is located the rough, wooded, 
precipitous height known as Culp's Hill. 

"The length of the line is nearly five 
miles, the distance across, from point to end 
of handle, half that distance. 

"The Confederate line was of similar 
shape, opposite the Union line at the dis- 
tance of half a mile to a mile, along Semi- 

327 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

nary Eidge, on which it ran from north to 
south for three miles ; at the Seminary it left 
the ridge, ran (east) through the town and 
swung around to envelope Gulp's Hill." 

The crest of the ridge between Little Round Top 
and Cemetery Hill had been cleared for agriculture, 
and comprised several cultivated fields, occasional 
groves of small timber, a good slope both east and 
west. The amphitheater to the east between the two 
wings of the Union army furnished fine ground for 
the handling of ambulances and artillery. 

The space between Seminary ridge, occupied by 
the Confederates, and Cemetery ridge occupied by 
the Union army, was an undulating region about 
one mile wide, devoted to farming. 

Midway between these two ridges — starting at the 
village and running southwest, was the Emmittsburg 
road occupying a minor ridge or elevation, except at 
a point opposite the junction of Little Round Top 
and Cemetery ridge, where there was a depression 
which would have been dominated by an enemy oc- 
cupying this road at that place. 

This depression in the Union position was one 
great cause of General Sickles moving his Corps for- 
ward onto the Emmittsburg road, as we shall here- 
after note. 

During that night and the following forenoon 
(July 2nd) both commanders were occupied in bring- 
ing into position their respective forces. 

The first disposition of the Union army was as 
follows: General Sickles' Corps — comprising Hum- 
phreys' and Birney's divisions — constituted the Union 
left, starting from Little Round Top and extending 
north along Cemetery Ridge and connecting with 
Hancock's Corps. Beyond Hancock, running around 
to the extreme right of Gulp's Hill, were the Corps 

328 




POSITIONS OF FEDERAL AND CONFEDERATE FORCES, JULY 2, ABOUT 3.3O P.M.. WHEN LONGSTREET's 

ATTACK OPENED 






^:^. 



•■^. ■ 






^or 



^ 



THE SECOND DAY'S BATTLE 

of Newton, Howard and Slocum, in the order 
named. The Fifth Corps (Sykes) was held in re- 
serve, and the Sixth Corps (Sedgwick's) did not 
arrive until late in the day and was then held in 
reserve. 

The Confederate forces, beginning with the right 
wing, were in the following order : 

Longstreet's Corps, Hill's Corps, and Ewell's 
Corps which extended around to Culp Hill. 

It must be remembered that an army Corps in the 
Confederate army was fully twice as large as one in 
the Union army, and the brigades and divisions 
were of corresponding size. 

Different estimates by careful judges of the re- 
spective strength of the two armies are as follows : 

Meade. Lee. 

Longstreet 75,568 

Century War Book 93,500 70,000 

Civil War in America (Formby) 82,000 73,000 

The Civil War (Comte de Paris) 84,000 69,000 

Numbers and Losses (Livermore) 83,289 75,054 

NcAV York at Gettysburg (Fox) 85,674 71,675 

(Young, Battle of Gettysburg, p. 173.) 

In comparing the strength of the two armies, it 
should be understood that with the Union Army the 
basis rested on the report of the First Sergeant "All 
present or accounted for." 

This included those absent on detail, fatigue 
duty, etc., whereas in the Confederate army, the re- 
port covered only those present with the colors and 
under arms. 

As stated. General Sickles, with the Third Corps, 
was placed on Cemetery Ridge and Little Round Top, 
and his position constituted the extreme left or south 
of the Union line. A part of the ridge where he was 
is not very elevated, and the ground falls off to the 

329 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

west into a considerable hollow. But 500 yards to 
the west, across a wheat field, a peach orchard, etc., 
the ground rises again and forms quite a ridge run- 
ning north and south, and along the crest of this 
ridge runs the Emmittsburg road. 

Now, General Sickles thought that if the Con- 
federates should come forward and occupy this 
ridge along the Emmittsburg road, it would be very 
bad for him. So he concluded to occupy it first. His 
Corps Avas not put in its first position until about 
daylight of the 2nd, and at noon he advanced it to 
the ridge mentioned. The Corps had two divisions, 
Humphreys' and Birney's, each with three large 
brigades. 

Humphreys' Division formed on the Emmittsburg 
pike and Birney's Division was "refused," or bent 
backward through a low ground of woods, a wheat- 
field, and then another piece of woods, towards 
Little Round Top. The apex of the angle formed 
by these two Divisions, was Sherry's peach orchard 
on the Emmittsburg road, and from here Birney's 
"refused" line began to run back eastward toward 
Round Top, near which elevation and in front, in a 
rocky ravine, the left flank rested. The angle, apex, 
or "salient" at the peach orchard was the key to 
Sickles' position, and was exposed to an enemy's 
cross fire and correspondingly weak. 

General Lee saw the weak salient of Sickles' 
position and determined to attack it; "for" as he 
says in his report, "it appeared that if the position 
held by it could be carried, its possession would 
give us facilities for assailing and carrying the more 
elevated ground and crest beyond." 

It was the only weak point in the Union line, 
and when it was broken, the Union army — and per- 
haps the great Union cause — was saved from great 

330 



THE SECOND DAY'S BATTLE 

disaster only by some of the bravest and best fight- 
ing ever done on a battle field. To the averting of 
this disaster the First Minnesota contributed its full 
share. Neither General Meade nor any other of the 
Corps generals knew of the bad break in the line 
until 4 o'clock in the afternoon, when Meade came 
upon the ground. It was then too late to order 
Sickles back, for the Confederates had begun the 
attack; all that could be done was to support and re- 
enforce him. It is foreign to the purpose of this 
work to undertake a statement of the controversy 
between Sickles and Meade and their respective 
friends over the question of the propriety of this 
forward movement by General Sickles. They are 
both remembered as men of undoubtedly loyalty and 
posterity has no criticisms for either. 

It was nearly 4 o'clock in the afternoon of July 
2nd (Thursday) when General Lee had completed his 
dispositions for a formidable attack upon the Union 
line on Cemetery Ridge. By 7 o'clock of the even- 
ing of July 1st, it was evident that the Confederates 
would be the aggressors the next day. 

Early in the morning it was apparent that Lee 
meant to use Swell's Corps in the capture of Gulp's 
Hill at the north end of the Union line. To defend 
those positions, there were the Eleventh and First 
Corps, both somewhat weakened by the previous 
day's fighting. 

Lee contemplated that Ewell should attack, or at 
least, demonstrate, against the north end of the 
Union line, and thus prevent re-enforcements from 
being sent to the south end, where he proposed to 
make his main attack. Of course, if Ewell could 
carry the two hills and then roll back the right of 
the Second Corps, so much the better. Lee designed 

331 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

to have Longstreet make his main attack on the 
Union left wing. 

General Ewell was not to make his attack until 
Longstreet, on the Confederate right, or south, 
should open his attack, but atmospheric conditions 
were such that Longstreet 's cannon were not heard 
by Ewell, and so it was nearly 5 o'clock before 
Ewell's Divisions, Early's and Johnson's, began their 
assaults. 

Meanwhile Sedgwick's Sixth Corps arrived, after 
a long, hard march from IManchester, 35 miles to the 
southeast, and this arrival was of great help to the 
Union line. The Fifth Corps (Sykes) had been in 
reserve on the Union right, but General Meade now 
took it and placed it on the left, in reserve, to help 
defend the Round Tops, and Sedgwick's Corps took 
its place to help defend the big hills. Thus the 
Union left was re-enforced without weakening the 
right. Of course all this while, the skirmishers of 
both sides, infantry, artillery, and cavalry, had been 
very busy. 

About 4 o'clock in the afternoon, Longstreet 's 
two divisions, those of Hood and McLaws, attacked 
the salient of Sickles' position in Sherfy's peach 
orchard, and soon met with success. Then the greater 
part of Hood's Division fell upon the left of Sickles' 
line, (Birney's Division), that part of his Corps line 
which stretched back eastward from the Peach 
Orchard to the Round Tops. Hood's line now faced 
northeast and began the demolition of Birney's Divi- 
sion ; but at the same time he was thrusting his 
extreme right between Sickles' extreme left and 
Round Top. 

The situation was of great peril to the Union line 
— and indeed to the Union cause. The Confederate 
possession of the Round Tops would have taken 

332 



THE SECOND DAY'S BATTLE 

Meade's line in reverse — that is to say, in the rear — 
and ordinarily this would mean its destruction. Big 
Round Top had a small Union force upon it, but 
Little Round Top, about three hundred yards to the 
north, was unoccupied, save by a few men of the 
Union Signal Corps and Gen. G. K. "Warren, the 
army's chief engineer. Had General Hood known 
the nakedness of this rocky hill at this time and 
pushed his whole division for it, breaking down the 
well-nigh shattered brigades of Sickles as he came, 
he would have almost ended the battle. Swinton 
says: "He would have grasped in his hand the 
key of the battle ground, and Gettysburg might 
have been one of those fields that decide the issues 
of wars." 

General AA^arren saved Little Round Top ; what 
else he saved cannot certainly be said. Seeing that 
Hood's men were fast advancing, and fearing that 
they would soon be surrounded, the signal men began 
to fold up their flags preparatory to leaving. But 
General Warren bade them continue the waving of 
the signals, as if the summit were occupied, while 
he sent his aide. Lieutenant McKenzie, to the Fifth 
Corps for help. That officer met the Corps not very 
far away, and obtained Vincent's Brigade and 
Hazlett's Battery and conducted them to Little 
Round Top. 

He reached the little mount just in time. As 
Vincent's men ascended to its summit. Hood's Texans 
were coming against its rugged side on the west. 
Hazlett's Battery, guns, caissons and all, had to be 
dragged by hand to the crest ; the horses left in the 
rear. Later O'Rorke's One Hundred and Fortieth 
New York arrived to re-enforce the Union troops, 
and finally all of AVeed's Brigade. Then issued a 
most terrible and savage fight between Robertson's 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Brigade of three Texas and one Arkansas regiments 
and Law's five Alabama regiments that fought 
against Vincent's four (Sixteenth Michigan, Forty- 
fourth New York, Eighty-third Pennsylvania, and 
Twentieth Maine), though after a time Vincent's 
Brigade and the One Hundred and Fortieth New 
York of Weed's Brigade. The Confederates were re- 
enforced on their left or north by "Tige" Ander- 
son's and Benning's Brigades. 

In the end the main forces of the Confederates 
were driven back to the Emmittsburg road, where 
they remained, still keeping up a skirmish line until 
the evening of the 3d. General Weed, Colonel Vin- 
cent, Captain Hazlett, and Colonel O'Rorke were all 
killed; but Little Round Top was safe in Union 
hands. Losses on both sides were very heavy. Gen- 
eral Hood had his right arm shot off, and a number 
of officers were killed. 

When Hood's Division broke in the "salient" at 
Sherfy's Peach Orchard and pushed on for Little 
Round Top, a part of the division, aided by McLaws' 
Division, fell upon Humphreys' Division. Really this 
attack was made against the center and left (or 
south) of the Third Corps as well as upon the left 
of Humphreys' Division. Longstreet had extended 
his line too far to the south to cover the entire 
north front of Sickles' Corps and his extreme right 
lapped over Birney's extreme left and enabled the 
Confederates to hold the base of Big Round Top. 
Connecting with the left of Longstreet 's line, and 
prolonging it to the north, was A. P. Hill's Corps, 
and Humphreys had a part of this Corps in his front. 

When Hood and McLaws were crushing Ward's 
and De Trobriand's brigades of Birney's Division, 
Barnes' Division of Sykes' Fifth Corps came to their 
assistance, as did Burling 's Brigade, sent by General 

334 



/ 



THE SECOND DAY'S BATTLE 

Humphreys. All were defeated and driven by the 
Confederates. Burling 's regiments were distributed 
among the other brigades. 

And now the heaviest attack was made upon the 
Sherfy Peach Orchard, and upon Abraham Trostle's 
premises, just east of it. Here were Graham's Bri- 
gade of Birney and a portion of Humphreys' Divi- 
sion. They were assailed by Kershaw's and Semmes' 
brigades of McLaws and two brigades (Perry's and 
Wright's) of Anderson's Division of Hill's Corps. 
The Union troops fought well, but they did not have 
an equal chance, and were driven back. The entire 
salient was now smashed in and the confederates 
I held and maintained the key point. 

The original front of Birney 's Division had dis- 
appeared. The Confederates burst through the center 
of the Third Corps and fairly rioted in assailing the 
disrupted wings of Sickles' Division. The brigades 
of Tilton and Sweitzer of Barnes (Fifth Corps), 
which had been sent to help Birney, were driven back. 

Then General Hancock sent in General Caldwell's 
First Division (formerly Hancock's own) of the 
Second Corps to check the Confederates. It had 
four fine brigades, Colonel Cross', Colonel Kelly's, 
General Zook's and Colonel Brooke's. The division 
met the fate of its comrades. Colonel Brooke drove 
Kershaw's Brigade away from the base of the Round 
Tops and along Plum Run, which was a rocky stream, 
but he could not keep them away. General Ayres, 
with two brigades of regulars (of Sykes' Fifth 
Corps), was sent to check Hood's men who were 
occupying the ground originally held by the left of 
Birney, not far east of the Emmittsburg road. 

But now Hood's and Anderson's Brigades — "Wil- 
cox's of Anderson having come up — had penetrated 
the wide interval made by the bursting open of 

o o cr 
o o 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Sickles' center at the Peach Orchard, thus dividing 
the Union forces, and had them at their mercy. They 
enveloped Caldwell's right and penetrated almost to 
his rear, and this soon forced him back after the 
awful sacrifice of one-half his division. General Zook 
/ and the intrepid Colonel Cross, of the Fifth New 
/ Hampshire, were killed and Colonel Brooke seriously 
wounded. Then Hood's men threw back Sweitzer's 
Brigade; and Ayres' two brigades of regulars, being 
struck on their right and rear, had to fight very 
hard to cut their way through the enemy to safety. 

Graham's Brigade had been holding the Peach 
Orchard, but, as has been said, at the Confederate on- 
set the orchard was captured and its defenders driv- 
en back. General Graham was seriously wounded 
simultaneously by a bullet and a picee of shell and 
fell into Confederate hands. Almost at the same 
time, or about 6 o'clock. General Sickles, while try- 
ing to encourage his shaken men, received a severe 
wound in his right leg and left the battlefield on a 
litter, and the command of the Third Corps now fell 
to General Birney. 

Before he was attacked General Humphreys had 
called for re-enforcements and to support his flank 
General Hancock had sent from his Second Corps two 
regiments from Harrow's Brigade, the Fifteenth 
Massachusetts, under Colonel Ward, and the Eighty- 
second New York, under Colonel Huston. These regi- 
ments fought well, as they always did, but were 
pushed back with the regiments of Humphreys, 
though the Eighty-second rallied, came back and did 
most gallant work. Both colonels were mortally 
wounded, dying the next day. To cover a gap on 
the left of Humphreys' line, Hancock sent TVillard's 
New York Brigade, of Hays' Third Division. Later 
he sent two regiments of Hall's Brigade, the Nine- 

336 



THE SECOND DAY'S BATTLE 

teentli Massachusetts under Colonel Devereux and 
the Forty-second New York (Tammany) under 
Colonel Mallon. They hardly reached the field when 
they met Humphreys' men running in disorder to 
the rear. They formed a line and fought for ten 
minutes against overwhelming odds and then retired. 

The Confederate advance in front of the Second 
Corps line continued. The Third Corps, since the 
wounding of Sickles, had been added to Hancock's 
command and General Gibbon now directly com- 
manded the Second Corps. General Harrow com- 
manded the division and Colonel Heath, of the Nine- 
teenth Maine, was temporarily in command of the 
old Gorman Brigade. 

The Confederates followed those they had driven 
from the field and soon began to beat against the 
walls of the main Union positions on Cemetery Kidge. 
In front of Gibbon's (or Harrow's) Division the at- 
tack was menacing. Hall and AVebb and Willard 
straightened up their brigade lines, determined that 
the big ridge should fly as soon as they. Barksdale's 
IMississippi brigade confronted Hall's and a part of 
"Willard 's. Semmes' stood face to face with Webb's. 

There was great fighting. The Confederates 
seemed determined to take the ridge. In waves of 
brigades, en echelon, they dashed up against the Union 
rocks and broke into sprays of disorganized squads. 
General Barksdale led his brigade square against Wil- 
lard 's and Hall's and when within 20 yards of the 
line of the Seventh ]\Iichigan was shot from his sad- 
dle and mortally wounded, dying on the third day. 
(See Colonel Hall's report.) His body was picked 
up, and near it tAvo Confederate flags, and event- 
ually was taken charge of by a former acquaintance, 
Col. C. E. Livingston, of General Doubleday's staff. 
"His dying speech and last messages for his family, 

337 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

together with the valuables about his person, were 
entrusted by him to Colonel Livingston." (Double- 
clay's report.) 

Colonel Willard bravely charged the enemy as 
they came towards him, but he too was killed and 
the brigade checked. General Hancock now rode 
along the line straightening it up and putting it in 
order. At one point (which, as near as can be now 
determined, was to the north of Willard 's position, 
and the south of a part of Humphreys' disordered 
line) he saw an unprotected interval towards which 
the Confederates of Wilcox's Brigade were advanc- 
ing, with Barksdale's Brigade on their south. The 
First Minnesota chanced to be near on the hillside, 
and, throwing it into the breach, the regiment made 
its celebrated charge by which the Confederate onset 
was checked, although at frightful loss to the little 
regiment. (See subsequent pages.) Other troops 
and batteries were rapidly brought up and the battle 
for that day victoriously closed. 

In this final struggle Colonel McGilvery of the 
First Maine Light Artillery, massed thirty pieces on 
the crest of the ridge and administered the final 
blow to the Confederate hopes for that day. 

In the meantime Ewell had succeeded in obtaining 
a lodgment on the extreme right of the Union line, 
which had been weakened by withdrawing troops to 
assist the Union left wnng. 

This advance the Confederates maintained until 
about noon the next day, when the Union troops re- 
took the position and restored their line. 

But no substantial Confederate success had "been 
gained when the sun Avent down. Longstreet had 
failed to capture the Round Tops or to turn the 
south end of the Union line. Longstreet and A. P. 
Hill had failed to break the Union center or to gain 

338 



THE SECOND DAY'S BATTLE 

the crest of Cemetery Ridge in that quarter. The only 
part of the Union line in real jeopardy was that 
part held by Stuart's Confederates at Culp's Hill. 

But General Lee had the supremest confidence that ^ 
next day he would win a great victory. He felt sure 
that he would carry Culp's Hill the next morning, 
assault and capture Cemetery Ridge during the fore- 
noon, and ruin Meade's army by nightfall. However, 
that night Meade and his generals met in council 
and voted unanimously to await an attack. 

The old First Brigade, to which the First Minne- 
sota belonged, while nominally under command of 
General Harrow, had for some days, during the 
General's illness been commanded by Colonel "Ward 
of the Fifteenth Massachusetts. But this morning, 
just as the brigade got into position on Cemetery 
Ridge, General Harrow resumed command and 
Colonel AYard went back to his regiment. The Gen- 
eral was not a well man by any means, but he said 
he would not "play sick" in a fight. Colonel Ward 
went into the hottest of the fight later in the day 
and fell mortally wounded on the battlefield, while 
trying to help Sickles' men down by the Cordori 
house. 

Harrow's Brigade was pulled to pieces that day 
in efforts to relieve different commands and portions 
of the Union line. In the afternoon Captain Berger's 
(formerly Russell's) Second Minnesota Sharpshooters 
(attached to the First Minnesota and often called 
Company L) was sent up to the north, near the 
cemetery, to support the old Ricketts-Kirby battery, 
now commanded by Lieut. Geo. A. Woodruff, who 
lost his noble life the third day of the battle. Later 
Company F, the Red Wing Company, under Capt. 
John Ball, was sent as a skirmishing force down in 
the vicinity of the Round Tops. Company C, under 

339 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Capt. Wilson B. Farrell, was serving as Division pro- 
vost guard, and so the regiment had three companies 
less than its ordinary strength and only eight com- 
panies in line of the regular organization. 

The Brigade lay in reserve just over the east 
side of the ridge for several hours, being under an 
almost constant artillerj^ fire. The shells of the enemy 
killed one man of the First Minnesota and severely 
wounded Sergt. 0. M. Knight, Co. I, the Wabasha 
company. About 4 o'clock in the afternoon General 
Hancock pulled out the Fifteenth Massachusetts and 
Eighty-second New York and sent them westward 
to the right or north of Humphreys' Division, front- 
ing the Emmittsburg pike. In the aggregate the two 
regiments had about 700 men. They formed a line, 
with the Eighty-second on the left, near the Cordori 
house, and the Fifteenth on the north or right of 
the Eightj'-second. Then Hancock drew out the 
Nineteenth IMaine and sent it to the left front in the 
bottom to support Lieut. Fred Bunn's battery, B, 
First Ehode Island. The First IMinnesota was all 
that was left in line of the First Brigade, and at 5 
p. m. it was sent to the center of the line (from 
north to south) to support Lieut. Evan Thomas' 
Battery, C, Fourth U. S. 

Early in the morning, just after the First Min- 
nesota reached the battlefield, Colonel Colville was 
.released from arrest and resumed command of the 
regiment, relieving Lieut. Col. Ad^ms.* In the support 
of Thomas' battery the regiment was on the high 
ground of Cemetery Ridge, a short distance to the 
left or south of Gibbon's Division line of battle. 

The other regiments of the brigade fought in 
their respective positions. In the advance of the 
Confederates on the Third Corps, portions of the 

*See the circumstances of Col. Colvill's arrest infra. 

340 



THE SECOND DAY'S BATTLE 

brigades of Wright and Perry attacked the right 
of Humphreys' Division and fell upon the Fifteenth 
Massachusetts and Eighty-second New York. As has 
been said, these regiments were to the north and 
west of the First Minnesota, with the left or south 
of the Fifteenth connecting with the Cordori house, 
on the Emmittsburg road. The two regiments fought 
well, as usual, but the superior force against them 
and the fact that the right of the Eighty-second was 
''in the air," making a turning movement easy, 
caused them to be driven back with heavy loss. 

The Fifteenth was not able to return to the fight, 
but the Eighty-second was. At the first line, half 
way up the ridge, it reformed under fire, charged 
down upon Wright's brigade. It captured the colors 
of the Forty-eighth Georgia. Wright's Georgia bri- 
gade fought against three regiments of the old Gor- 
man Brigade, the Fifteenth, the Eighty-second and 
the Nineteenth Maine. General Wright says in his 
report that in his fighting that evening he lost 688- 
men. In this day's fight the Eighty-second New York, 
lost 153 officers and men. 

The Nineteenth Maine, Col. Francis E. Heath, 
went down to the left to support Brown's Rhode 
Island battery, which belonged to Hays' Division. 
At a little past 6 that evening the Twenty-second 
Georgia attacked Colonel Heath. After firing ten 
rounds on the defense, the regiment charged and 
drove back the Georgians. 



341 



CHAPTER XLII. 

THE "CHARGE" THAT MADE MINNESOTA FAMOUS. 

IT is now due to mention and imperfectly describe 
the memorable charge of the First Minnesota 
at Gettysburg, which made the regiment renowned 
and rendered the Union soldiery of the state famous. 
At the dedication of the monument at Gettysburg 
on July 2nd, 1897, to commemorate the services of 
this regiment, on this 2nd day of July, 1863, Lieut. 
"Wm. Lochren delivered an address, which being 
mainly historical, and a duplicate of matter included 
in this history, is not given in full, but we quote 
from that address the account given of the services 
rendered by the regiment on the second day of the 

battle. Lieutenant Lochren says : 

"On July 1st, 1863, our army was seek- 
ing that of Lee, which had penetrated the 
beautiful and fertile region of this great 
state, levying contributions and threatening 
the capital of the nation and the commercial 
cities of the north. Our corps lay near 
Uniontown, Md., about fifteen miles south of 
this place when about noon the distant sound 
of artillery announced the beginning of the 
conflict, and under the leadership of Hancock 
we were quickly marching where that sound 
called us. Hancock, under orders, left us 
on the way and hurried to the battle. We 
bivouacked long after nightfall about three 
miles south of this place, and about sunrise 
the next morning, were in our assigned 
place, at the left of the cemetery, our regi- 
ment being placed in reserve. 

"Company L, was detached to support 
Kirby's battery in front of the Cemetery. 
Company F was sent on skirmish duty in 

342 




POSITIONS OF FEDERAL AND CONFEDERATE FORCES, JULY 2, AT DUSK 



^ 









15 



•J 



/ 



''CHARGE" THAT MADE MINNESOTA FAMOUS 

front or to the left of Sickles. Company 
C was at headquarters as Provost guard of 
the Division. About noon Sickles' third 
corps, which had occupied this part of the 
ridge, advanced across the swale to near the 
Emmittsburg road on yonder ridge, and our 
remaining eight companies consisting of two 
hundred and sixty-two men were sent to 
■, this spot to support Battery C of the 
Fourth U. S. Artillery. 

''The other troops were then near us, and 
we stood by this battery in full view of 
Sickles' battle on the opposite ridge, and 
watched with eager anxiety the varying for- 
tunes of that sanguinary conflict, until at 
length with gravest apprehension we saw 
Sickles' men give way before the heavier 
forces of Longstreet and Hill, and come back 
slowly at first and rallying at frequent inter- 
vals, but at length broken and in utter dis- 
order, rushing down the slope by the Trostle 
house, across the low ground, up the slope 
on our side, and past our position to the 
rear, followed by a strong force — two Con- 
federate brigades — in regular lines, moving 
steadily in the flush of victory and firing on 
the fugitives. They had reached the low 
ground, where there were then no trees, and 
but very low brush, which did not inter- 
rupt the view nor impede their advance, and 
in a few moments would be at our position, 
piercing our line which they could roll up 
as Jackson did that of the Eleventh Corps at 
Chancellorsville. 

"There was no organized force here to 
oppose them ; nothing but our handful of two 
hundred and sixty-two men. Most soldiers 
in the face of the near advance of such an 
over-powering force, which had just taken 
part in the defeat of an army corps, would 
have caught the panic and joined the re- 
treating masses. But the First Minnesota 
had never yet deserted any post; had never 

343 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

retired without orders, and desperate as 
the situation seemed, and it was, the regi- 
ment stood firm against whatever might 
come. 

"Just then Hancock with a single aide 
rode up at full speed, and for a moment 
vainly endeavored to rally Sickles' retreat- 
ing forces. Reserves had been sent for, but 
were too far away to reach this critical 
position before it would be occupied by the 
enemy, unless that enemy were stopped. 

"Quickly leaving the fugitives, Hancock 
spurred to wiiere we stood, calling out, 
"What regiment is this?" "First Minne- 
sota," replied Colvill. "Charge those 
lines," commanded Hancock. Every man 
realized in an instant what that order 
meant. Death or wounds to us all — the sac- 
rifice of the regiment to gain a few minutes' 
time and save the position and probably the 
battlefield, and every man saw and ac- 
cepted the necessity for that sacrifice, and 
responding to Colvill's rapid orders the regi- 
ment in perfect line, with arms at right 
shoulder shift was in a moment down that 
slope directly upon the enemy's center. 

"There was no hesitation, no stopping 
to fire, though the men fell fast at every 
stride before the concentrated fire of the 
whole Confederate force directed upon us as 
soon as the movement was observed. Sil- 
ently, without orders and almost from the 
start double quick had changed to utmost 
speed for in utmost speed lay the only hope 
that any of us would pass through that 
hurricane of lead and strike the enemy. 

"Charge:" shouted Colvill, as we neared 
their first line, and with leveled bayonets 
at full speed rushed upon it, fortunately as 
it was slightly disordered in crossing a dry 
brook at the foot of the slope. 

"No soldiers will stand against leveled 
bayonets coming with such momentum and 

344 



''CHARGE" THAT MADE MINNESOTA FAMOUS 

evident desperation. The first line broke as 
we reached it and rushed back through the 
second line, stopping the whole advance. "We 
then poured in our first fire, and availing 
ourselves of such slight shelter as the banks 
of the dry brook offered, held the entire force 
at bay for a considerable time and until our 
reserves appeared on the ridge. Had the 
enemy rallied quickly to a counter charge, 
its great numbers would have crushed us in 
an instant, and we would have made but a 
slight pause in its advance. But the fero- 
city of our onset seemed to paralyze them 
for the time, and although they poured up- 
on us a terrible and continuous fire from 
the front and enveloping flanks, they kept 
away from our bayonets until before the 
added fire of our fresh reserves they began 
to retire, and we were ordered back. 

"What Hancock had given us to do was 
done thoroughly. The regiment had stopped 
the enemy; held back its mighty force and 
saved the position. But at what sacrifice. 
( Nearly every officer lay dead or wounded 
upon the ground; our gallant Colonel and 
every field officer among them. Of the two 
hundred and sixty-two men who made the 
charge, two hundred and fifteen lay upon 
the field. Forty-seven men were still in 
line and not a man was missing." 

Among the casualties of this day were Capt. Louis 
MuUer, late of Co. B., then commanding Co. E., who 
was killed; Capt. Joseph Perrian, of Co. K, and 
Lieut. David B. Demerest were mortally wounded, 
and Col. Wm. Colvill, Lieut. Col. Charles P. Adams, 
Major Mark Downie, Adjt. Pell, Capt. Davis, and 
Capt. Thomas Sinclair, were wounded and well nigh 
150 of their comrades were killed or seriously 
wounded. The greatest fatality to the officers resulted 
from an oblique fire from the enemy, on both flanks 

345 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

as they gradually worked past the position of the 
regiment. At last, after perhaps fifteen minutes of 
this terrible ordeal it became apparent that the reg- 
iment could no longer maintain its position, and 
Colonel Colvill ordered the remnant of his command 
to the rear, but owing to his wounded foot, was un- 
able to accompany them, and Captain Messick took 
command as the senior officer and moved the regi- 
ment back to its former position. Forty-seven men 
were found to be in line. After Adjutant Pell was 
wounded, Lieutenant Lochren acted as Adjutant of 
the regiment, and he gives the strength of the eight 
companies making the charge at 262 officers and men. 
This shows a loss of 82 per cent, which is believed 
to be the highest ratio of loss of any single com- 
mand in any one battle of the war. 

By reason of its seniority, the position of the 
regiment in the brigade line was on the right, and 
in line of battle it was on the extreme right flank. 
And so at Fair Oaks, Antietam, and Fredericksburg, 
its three greatest battles before Gettysburg, it was 
out on the flank and had mostly an oblique fire on 
the enemy, while it was not within its main line of 
fire; therefore the losses were comparatively light. 
But in the charge at Gettysburg there was prominence 
of position and losses enough to satisfy the most 
exacting. 

After nightfall very many of the men temporarily 
joined the ambulance corps to assist their wounded 
comrades. A beautiful full moon shone over the 
battlefield in the earliest part of the night, and it 
was comparatively easy to find the stricken heroes; 
the wounded were all found and gathered up but 
six and sent to the Leitner house and orchard and 
the other field hospitals east of Cemetery Ridge. The 
six men were reported by Captain Coates as missing, 

346 



"CHARGE" THAT MADE MINNESOTA FAMOUS 

but they were finally found where they had crawled 
into thickets and other retreats and become un- 
conscious or fallen asleep. Then their records were 
changed from ''missing" to "wounded." Nearly ev- 
ery dead man was left on the field where he fell 
until July 4; a few were buried by company com- 
rades before morning 

"Neath the struggling moonbeams' misty light." 

And near where they fell, in the beautiful Nation- 
al cemetery, are still the last bivouacks of those of 
the First Minnesota, who, when the roll of the 
regiment was called on the morning of July 3, were 
recorded as 

"Dead on the Field of Honor." 

During the night orders were sent out by Captain 
Messick, under instructions from the brigade com- 
mander, calling back to the regiment all outserving 
detachments, except the company of sharpshooters. 
Those on extra duty were called in and furnished 
with muskets and cartridge boxes. Early the next 
morning Captain Ball brought Company F, the Red 
, Wing company, back from down Little Round Top 
way, where it had been on skirmish line nearly all 
day of the 2nd and had three men badly wounded. 
Company C, the St. Paul Company, commanded by 
Capt. "Wilson B. Farrell, was considered a "crack" 
company in point of drill, discipline, and general 
efficiency. For some time it had been on duty at 
division headquarters as provost guard, and Captain 
Farrell had been serving as Division Provost Marshal. 
It was brought back to the firing line the next day. 
Company L, the sharpshooters, was absent from the 
' regiment until after the battle. 

"This regiment was made a stop gap in a critical 
hour late Thursday afternoon by Hancock in person, 

347 



THE FIEST MINNESOTA 

in the attempt to arrest the charge of the Confeder- 
ates against the Union line. The command was liter- 
ally cut to pieces." (Young, "The Battle of Gettys- 
burg" 393, (1913) (Jesse Bowman Young.) 



348 



CHAPTER XLIII. 

COLONEL COLVILL UNDER ARREST. "^ 

THREE hours out from Monocacy, the First Min- 
nesota had a disagreeable adventure which the 
men afterward well remembered. Colonel Colvill 
was placed under arrest. Corps and division orders 
were that on the march the men should not break 
ranks or leave the line for any cause unless specially 
ordered and staff officers were continually riding back 
and forward to see that the orders were obeyed. At 
the time mentioned, the regiment came to a small 
creek called Linganore, a tributary of the Monocacy. 
The water was not much more than knee deep, but 
yet that depth was enough to soak the men's feet, 
and the hot day would scald and blister them when 
the march was continued. On one side of the cross- 
ing was thrown two big logs with a hewn surface, 
covered with plank, over which the footmen might 
cross the stream dry shod. This primitive bridge 
was called a foot-log. 

At the ford, sitting on his horse, was Colonel 
Charles H. ]\Iorgau, General Hancock's inspector 
general, who was watching to see that the men 
plunged into and waded the Linganore without using 
the bridge. When the First Minnesota came up, Col- 
vill at its head, Morgan called out: ''Colonel, keep 
your files closed up and march through the water; 
don't let the men straggle." Leaving the ranks 
some of the men skipped nimbly over the foot-logs, 
rejoined the ranks on the other side of the stream 
Avith dry feet and footwear and without delaying 
the march a second or confusing the line a "bobble." 

Colonel Morgan was a strict disciplinarian. 

349 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Straightway he reported to General Harrow who was 
in command of the division at the time — and that 
officer placed Colonel Colvill under arrest. 

Lochren says that Colonel Morgan was provoked 
at Colvill for another reason. The Fifteenth Massa- 
chussets was marching just behind the Minnesotians. 
Morgan had trouble to make them "bulge" through 
the stream. Later the brigade halted and while the 
men were resting on either side of the road the irate 
staff officer trotted between the lines. The Massa- 
chussets groaned him somewhat vociferously. He 
thought the groans came from the First Minnesota, 
and he galloped forward, indignant and mortified, 
had Colvill placed in arrest and deprived of com- 
mand. Lieut. Col. Adams then assumed command of 
the regiment until the morning of July 2nd, when 
Colonel Colvill, at his own request, was restored to 
command of the regiment, and was in command 
during the battle of the 2nd, when he was wounded. 



350 




MONUMENT RUKCTED ON GETTYSBURG BATTEE FIELD 

TO COMMIOMOKATE THE "CHARGE" OF THE 

REGIMENT ON JULY 2ND, 1863. 



CHAPTER XLIV. 

THE THIRD DAY'S BATTLE. 

SO FAR the battle had been indecisive. The Con- 
federates had driven Sickles' Corps from its posi- 
tion at the Peach Orchard, but they had failed in 
attempting to turn the Union left flank, failed in 
their attempt to carry the Round Tops, failed to 
carry and hold any part of Cemetery Ridge proper, 
the position of the main Union line, and they had 
lost heavily, including some of their best generals. 

But General Lee was still confident of victory. 
He knew that the Union losses had been heavy. Gen- 
eral Ewell's troops had a good broad lodgment on 
Gulp's Hill, which was the Union right. General 
Lee determined to capture the whole of Gulp's Hill, 
and thus break the Union right and roll back the 
entire line. Gen. Edward Johnson's Confederate 
Division was holding the captured portion of the 
hill, and on the night of the 2nd and early morning 
of the 3d Lee re-enforced it and demanded that it 
carry the uncaptured portion of the hill at daylight. 

But Gen. Harry Slocum, with his two divisions of 
the Twelfth Corps, was looking after Gulp's Hill for 
the Union side. He did not sleep a wink that night. 
He had returned from helping Sickles down on the 
left and prepared to help General Greene, one of his 
best brigade commanders, out of his perilous predica- 
ment. When the mist began to fall, he brought up 
14 pieces of cannon and put Geary's Division in 
shape to assault, with Williams in support, and 
Shaler's Brigade of Sedgwick afterward came up. 
At 3 :30 in the murky morning the artillery opened 
and at 4 Geary charged, and the fighting continued 

351 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

until 10:30. The result was that the Confederates 
were driven completely away and every effort made 
by them to re-oecupy the ground was repulsed with 
great loss to them. So that at last General Slocum 
held tight hold of the curve of the fishhook, barb 
and all. 

General Lee was greatly disappointed at the re- 
sult of the fighting at Gulp's Hill. He was confident 
that the hill would be carried by Ewell's men, and 
then he would quickly assault the Union center and 
break through it. Now, his first attempt failing, he 
at first thought of attacking the Union left (down 
by the Round Tops) and center, but soon gave over 
this idea and determined to attack the center— or 
rather the right center. 

After about 11 A. M., when the fighting ceased 
at Gulp's Hill, there was a deep silence on the Gon- 
federate side. And because it was deep, it was 
suspicious. The Union generals divined what it 
meant. Lee was preparing to charge the Union line 
on Gemetery Ridge, and before he charged he would 
cannonade heavily, and now he was getting his can- 
non ready. They thought they knew where that 
point was, and they prepared to protect it. And so 
when at noon General Alexander and General Pendle- 
ton had placed 145 guns in position on Seminary 
Ridge, a mile away, General Hunt, the Union chief 
of artillery, had 80 guns ready to answer them, and 
General Hancock had gathered up a lot of infantry 
and stationed them, some on either side and some 
behind the guns, to meet a charge when it should 

come. 

At 1 o'clock the ominous silence was broken by 
a terrible outburst from the Confederate artillery, 
180 guns, none less than a 12-pounder, all roaring 
at once. Imagine 180 peals of thunder from a storm 

352 



THE THIRD DAY'S BATTLE 

cloud only a mile away! The line of fire was some- 
what concentrated, the center of the objective being 
a point west of General Meade's headquarters (on 
the Taney town road) a mile south of Gettysburg. 

The firing was incessant, at least three guns per 
second, and nothing but shells, ease shot and cannon 
balls was used. The effect was distressing. The 
gunners soon got the range and landed their death- 
dealing missiles fairly among the Union troops. 

General Hunt's batteries replied immediately. 
While he had but 80 guns in battery, he had plenty 
more belonging to the Reserve Artillery, which was 
just to the rear, or under Cemetery Ridge. In the 
Cemetery itself, near the north end of the Ridge, he 
had six batteries; on the Ridge to the south of the 
Cemetery, he had five of the Second Corps batteries, 
Woodruff's, Arnold's, Gushing 's. Brown's, and 
Rorty's. At about 1:30 General Hunt gave the 
signal and all his 80 guns opened with the explosion 
of a volcano. Then ensued an artillery combat such 
as was never before or since seen on the American 
continent. The solid hills seemed to shake; the air 
was filled with flashes of lurid and crimson fire and 
rolling clouds of smoke. The thundering and crash- 
ing of the engines of battle, and the bursting of the 
inissiles they hurled were deafening and appalling. 

During this frightful outburst the infantry of 
both sides crouched behind such cover as they could 
find; but every man tightly grasped his musket, for 
he knew what was coming — a less noisy but more 
deadly shock of men of his arm of the service. The 
Confederate knew that he must soon charge and the 
Union soldier knew that he must soon be charged 
upon. 

General Lee determined to make the assault with 
fresh troops. Pickett's Division of Longstreet had 

353 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

just reached the battlefield that morning. Heth's old 
Division (now under General Pettigrew, for Heth was 
wonnded) and Pender's old Division (now under 
General Trimble, for Pender was mortally wounded) 
both of A. P. Hill, had not been much hurt by the 
fio-hting of the preceding days, and the commander 
determined to send them with Pickett 's men. Picke .t s 
Division had three brigades and 5,000 men; each of 
the other two divisions had four ^^-gf^^^/^^^ ^* 
least 5,000 men in each division. In ^ Battles and 
Leaders," page 342, General Longstreet says that 
at 12 o'clock that day General Lee said to him: 

-I want vou to take Pickett's Division 
and make the attack. I will J^-enforce you 
with two divisions, Heth's and Pender s, of 
the Third Corps." "That will give me 
15,000 men," I replied. Then I continued: 
-I have been a soldier, I may f y'/^'^^m Jhe 
ranks up to the position I now hold, i.i^a^e 
been inVetty much all kinds o skirmishes 
from those of two or three^ soldiers iip to 
those of an Army Corps, and I think I can 
safelv say there never was a body of lo,OUU 
/ men who could make that attack success- 

^""-The General seemed a little impatient at 
mv remarks, so I said nothing more^ As 
he showed no indication of changing his 
plan, I went to work at once to arrange the 
troops for the attack." 
Subsequently Wilcox's Brigade, the First Minne-] 
sota's antagonist of the previous day^ ^^^^^f 7!fJ 
to support and assist in the charge, first as a sup I 
port to the artillery, and afterward to participate 

in the assault proper. , . -, . . i.o++ip ni 

The terrible incident of the third day s battle o 

Gettvsburg, when the Confederate divisions ol 

Pickett, Pettigrew and Trimble and the brigade ot 

354 



THE THIRD DAY'S BATTLE 

Wileox, assailed tlie Union position on Cemetery 
Ridge, is commonly known as "Pickett's Charge." 
The inference wouldT naturally be that the charge 
was made by Pickett's Division alone. The truth is 
that the cold facts and unimpassioned records show 
that only about one-third of the bloody and dis- 
astrous work was performed by Pickett's Virginians, 
and only a little more than one-third of the loss was 
sustained by them. Pettigrew's North Carolinians 
went farthest and his division sustained within 36 
the loss of as many men as Pickett's. The total loss 
, of Pickett's Division was 2,863, and of the rest of 
the assaulting force 4,955, viz.: Pettigrew's, 2,827; 
Trimble's, 1,924, and Wilcox's Brigade, 204. 'The 
total strength of the three divisions and one brigade 
in officers and men when they entered on the charge 
was about 16,500. Wilcox says he took in 1,200 and 
lost 204. He lost July 2, 573, making his total loss 
ni the battle 777 or 65 per cent of his force. 

After nearly two hours of the terrific cannonading, 
when General Lee thought the Union lines were 
sufiSeiently shaken and unstable by the severe pound- 
ing they had received, and when his artillery am- 
munition had run very low, the Confederate fire 
slackened until finally it almost ceased. General 
Hunt found that his ammunition Avas nearly run out, 
save for what was in the Reserve, and he ordered 
his batteries to cease firing and some of them to be 
replaced from that reserve. While this was being 
done, the Confederates were seen forming for the 
charge in the edge of the woods on Seminary Ridge. 
The great Confederate assault has been often 
described. As has been stated, the attacking force 
numbered (according to Confederate authorities) 
more than 16,000 men. The distance charged over 
was about three-fourths of a mile, from the east side 

355 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

of Seminary Ridge down to the level ground, across 
the valley to the foot of Cemetery Ridge, then up 
the western slope of that ridge to its crest. Inter- 
vening between the bases of the two ridges were 
stone walls, farm fences, little pastures, a corn field, 
a wheat field, and other enclosures, a little swale 
running down the valley, and some little ravines 
or ''washes." 

The charge began about 3 P. M. Pickett's and 
Pettigrew's Divisions were in the front, with Petti- 
grew 's to the north or left of Pickett's. Behind 
them came Pender's Division, now Trimble's. Piekett 
had two Brigades (Garnett's and Kemper's) for his 
front line, with Armistead's in their center rear. 
Pettigrew had his old brigade of North Carolinians 
(now under Colonel Marshall) and Archer's (now 
under Colonel Fry) in his front line, with Broecken- 
brough's Virginia behind Marshall's and Jo Davis' 
Mississippi behind Fry's Brigade. Trimble's com- 
mand was only half a division and composed of 
Lane's and Scales' North Carolina brigades, which 
stretched across the entire rear of both Pickett and 
Pettigrew. The columns were well and compactly 
formed and the entire force was a magnificent 
battle array. 

As the line advanced, it directed its center toward 
a clump of trees on the crest of Cemetery Ridge 
where Webb's Second and Hall's Third Brigade of 
Gibbon's Division were posted. Harrow's First Bri- 
gade, to which the Minnesotians belonged, Avas in 
line to the south. The whole length of the Union 
line charged upon was about half a mile. General 
Gibbon had been commanding the Corps, General 
Harrow the Division, and Colonel Heath, of the 
Nineteenth Maine, had temporary command of the 
Brigade, but at 1 o'clock General Hancock resumed 

356 



J 



THE THIRD DAY'S BATTLE 

command of the Second Corps, General Gibbon came 
back to the Second Division, and General Harrow to 
the First Brigade. Later in the day, when Hancock 
was wounded, the commanders again exchanged. 
The Confederate charging front covered the line of 
Gibbon's Second and Hays' Third Divisions of the 
Second Corps. 

When the charging Confederates had come within 
easy reach of case shot, the Union artillery opened 
on them a terrible volley which cut down the ranks 
fearfully but did not stop them. The survivors came 
on all the faster, but now they were obliquing to the 
left or north in an instinctive effort to avoid the 
fierce fire of McGilvray 's eight batteries in front and 
Rottenhouse's guns on Round Top. 

When the hostile lines were within 400 yards of 
each other, the infantry of Hays' and Gibbon's 
Divisions would no longer hold their fire, but de- 
livered a volley upon the enemy that cut down the 
front lines as if by the sweep of great sabres; and 
this volley was repeated again and again. A charge 
in the face of such deadly volleys is a fire which 
tries every soldier's work "of what sort it is," and 
tests him whether he is iron or whether he is clay. 
The men composing the Confederate charging column 
that day proved to be iron. 

When the half mile front of Hays' and Gibbon's 
Divisions burst into a sheet of fierce flame and the 
carnage among their assailants was redoubled, the 
desperate Southerners seemed to receive the new 
disaster as a signal and every man of them rushed 
forward. 

It is probable that Pettigrew's North Carolina 
brigade first reached the Union position at Hays' 
Division line, where Hays had but two brigades, 

357 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Smith's and AYillard's. Willard had been killed the 
day before, and Colonel Sherrill was in command 
that morning, but he, too, was killed a few minutes 
after Pettigrew's men came up, and Lieutenant 
Colonel Bull then commanded the brigade during the 
remainder of the battle. Colonel Smyth was wounded 
by Pettigrew's men and Colonel Pierce commanded 
the Second Brigade thereafter. Carroll's, the First 
Brigade of Hays, was still stationed about Culp's 
Hill, There were no better troops in the Second 
Corps than the Smith and Willard Brigades. Petti- 
grew's men had been told that they would have 
nothing but green Pennsylvania militia to fight when 
they reached the crest, but they soon saw Hays' 
seasoned veterans with their stars and stripes and 
trefoil badges. In a little Avhile the two gallant 
brigades had routed Pettigrew's entire division of 
four brigades and sent it flying back down Cemetery 
Ridge, and held in their hands 2,000 Confederate 
prisoners and fifteen Confederate battle flags. 

Now came Pickett's charging force, to the south 
of Hays' line and against the clump of trees. This 
force was a great battle-bolt, all of Virginia iron, 
which had been tempered in the fires of many battles 
until it was considered as invincible as a thunder- 
bolt of Jupiter. It first struck Webb's Brigade of 
Gibbon, and Gibbon's Division was to be very 
prominent in this day 's fight ; but it had first aimed 
at the old Gorman Brigade (now Harrow's) lying 
to the south of "Webb's men. It had been turned 
from its course by a flank fire of Stannard's Ver- 
mont brigade, which had changed front to the right 
and thus delivered a direct fire on Pickett's right 
flank. 

Pickett's men struck AVebb's head-on, and such 
was the momentum of the Virginians that they 

358 



THE THIRD DAY'S BATTLE 

thrust themselves through the Union line. Webb's 
was the old Burns' Pennsylvania brigade and now 
had but three regiments, the Sixty-ninth Pennsyl- 
vania, and the California Regiment (Seventy-first) 
in the front line and Baxter's Fire Zouaves (Seventy- 
second) in reserve. 

Garnett's and Kemper's brigades struck the two 
Pennsylvania regiments so hard that the Union line 
was broken ; the two weak regiments were pushed 
back; Gushing 's battery was taken after Gushing was 
killed; General Gibbon was down, badly wounded; 
but Hancock was there, for he was always where he 
ought to be, and Webb stood by, and the Penn- 
sylvanians were doing well. 

At this time the momentum of Pickett's front 
brigades had about spent itself. Two-thirds of them 
i Avere killed and wounded ; General Garnett Avas 
killed, and General Kemper was down. And so Armi- 
stead's Brigade came forward, and it was General 
Armistead with his cap on his sword and his men 
with their wild rebel yells that crossed the Union 
lines, on "the high tide of the Rebellion" and set 
up the Confederate flags and the Virginia State 
banners almost even with the colors planted by Petti- 
grew and his men. And dreadful and sickening had 
been the killing. 

"A thousand fell with Garnett, dead; 
A thousand fell where Kemper bled ; 
Through blinding flame and strangling smoke, 
The remnants thro' the batteries broke, 
And crossed the works with Armistead." 

But just as they reached the goal for which they 
I had striven so hard, General Armistead and scores 
of his men fell dead and mortally wounded and hun- 
dreds of their comrades were grievously wounded 
and became prisoners. 

359 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

General Pickett now threw in Trimble's (Pen- 
der's) Division of North Carolinians and a portion of 
Joe Davis' and Brockenbrough's Brigades that had 
not been engaged. He thought to hold the ground 
that Armistead had gained. Hancock sent Harrow's 
Brigade, which was to the south, and Hall's Brigade, 
which was to the north, to help Webb's three Penn- 
sylvania regiments against half a dozen Confederate 
brigades. 

Then there ensued some of the bravest and hardest 
fighting ever done by soldiers. It was any sort of 
fighting that would kill or disable an enemy. The 
American soldier always fights well, but never so 
well as when he meets his equal, a foeman worthy of 
his steel and proper for his prowess, and that was 
the situation that day on Gettysburg Heights. Even 
the officers fought. Every field officer in Pickett's 
Division had fallen except Maj. C. S. Peyton, Fif- 
teenth Virginia. 

The losses among the Confederates were very 
heavy, but they were not all on that side. While 
so many of them were going down, the Union ranks 
were bleeding. General Hancock was wounded, and 
at the close of the fighting turned over the com- 
mand of the Second Corps to General Hayes. Gen- 
eral Gibbon and General Webb were wounded. Of 
the five commanders of the Second Corps batteries, 
Woodruff, Gushing, and Rorty were killed, Brown 
was wounded, and Arnold alone was unhit. 

But in a little time the fighting was nearly over. 
Gibbon's and Hays' Divisions, re-enforced by fresh 
batteries and other troops, fell upon the Confederates 
so fiercely that a majority of those not killed or 
wounded surrendered. Those who escaped death, dis- 
ability or capture, fled wildly down the hill in an effort 
to regain their former position on Seminary Ridge. 

360 



THE THIRD DAY'S BATTLE 

They were not permitted to retreat undisturbed. 
They were fired at by Hays' and Gibbon's men as long 
as they were in gunshot, and the Second Corps bat- 
teries, now re-enforced by Weir's, Wheeler's, and 
Kinzie's, rained case-shot and canister among their 
shattered and scattered ranks. Of the 15,000 that left / 
Seminary Ridge on the charge, hardly 5,000 returned./ 

The two divisions of the Second Corps had some- 
thing to show for their hard fighting and their vic- 
tory. By actual count they took 33 flags (of which 
Gibbon's Division got 16) and 3,876 unwounded 
prisoners. But they had won something better, 
greater, nobler — imperishable renown in stemming 
the "high tide of the rebellion." 

Under cover of night General Lee's army took a 
defensive line on Seminary Ridge, with its right or 
south flank retired westward behind Willoughby Run, 
a mile west of the Ridge. This bending back of 
Longstreet's Corps was to better defend the Con- 
federate right flank in case of attack, and also to 
protect Lee's trains, Avhich during the night were 
pushed back of the protecting brigades. 

General Meade and most of his generals thought 
it best to let well enough alone, although General 
Hancock and General Butterfield advised an immedi- 
ate assault on Lee's lines after Pickett's repulse. 

Some military writers have criticised General 
Meade for not pressing Lee on the heels of his de- 
feat on this afternoon, but IMeade was to some ex- 
tent, yet unfamiliar with his own strength, as well 
as the strength of the enemy, and he realized that 
if he should assume the aggressive there and lose 
the benefit of the victor}^ already gained, it might 
prove fatal to the Union cause. 

In weighing the importance of this victory of the 
Union arms, it must be remembered that on this 

361 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

field the strength of the tAVO armies was about equal. 

The time had not come, when, as under General 
Grant in his Eastern campaign against Lee, the 
strength of the Union army had increased and that 
of the Confederate army had decreased to such an 
extent that the Union commander had at command 
a marked superiority in men and material. 

For the first time in its history the Union army 
was commanded by an officer who did not hesitate 
to use his reserves, and this may be said to have 
been the first field when both contending forces em- 
ployed their full strength. 

According to Colonel Livermore's recently pub- 
lished "Numbers and Losses in the Civil War." a 
work very carefully prepared and which has been 
accepted as authoritative and Avell nigh conclusive by 
both sides, the respective losses were : Union — 
Killed, 3,155; wounded, 14,529; captured, 5,365; 
total, 23,049. Confederate— Killed, 3,903; wounded, 
18,735; captured, 5,425; total, 26,703. 

On the retreat of the Confederates to the Potomac 
they had 316 killed and wounded and 1,360 cap- 
tured; Union loss, 462 killed and wounded and 516 
captured. These figures are not included here in the 
Gettj'sburg casualties, although they sometimes are 
by other writers. 

The Union array had Maj. Gen. John F. Reynolds, 
Brigadier Generals Elon J. Farnsworth, Stephen H. 
AVeed, and Samuel K. Zook killed and Brigadier 
General Strong Vincent mortally wounded. The Con- 
federates had killed or mortally wounded Maj. Gen. 
Wm. D. Pender, Brig. Generals Lewis A. Armistead, 
R. B.. Garnett, "Wm. Barksdale, and Paul J. Semmes. 
Each side had a proportionate number killed of 
colonels commanding brigades, lieutenant colonels 
and majors commanding regiments, etc. 

3'62 




POSITIONS OF FEDERAL AND CONFEDERATE FORCES, JULY T,, ABOUT 4.3O P.M. 

(At the climax of the final charge) 



CHAPTER XLV. 

THE FIRST MINNESOTA ON THE THIRD DAY. 

FROM under their bloody encounter with the Ala- 
bama brigade on July 2nd the remnants of the 
First Minnesota came out in fine form and fettle. 
Captain Messick soon had the men in a line which 
he called a regiment, but as a regiment it was a most 
melancholy sight. 

The monthly report of the regiment for the month 
of May, still on file in the State Adjutant General's 
office, shows that on May 31st the Regiment had 
"present for duty" 24 officers and 318 men in the 
regular organizations; Captain Berger's company of 
sharpshooters had 3 officers and 28 men; total in the 
regiment and sharpshooters, 373. . The report for 
June, when the regiment mustered for pay near 
Uniontown, showed that, excluding the sharpshooters, 
the regiment had "present for duty" the day before 
the battle began, 27 officers and 358 men, a total 
of 385. And yet in his report of the battle Captain 
Coates says the regiment had "less than 330 men 
and officers engaged." At the end of July there were 
present for duty 14 officers and 130 men, total 144 
in the regiment proper. Captain Coates says there 
were 232 officers and men killed and Avounded in the 
two days of battle and this number deducted from 
385, the strength June 30, leaves 153, with but nine 
men unaccounted for; deducting the loss stated in 
the nominal list in the Adjutant General's office (237) 
leaves 148, or only four unaccounted for. 

Early on the morning of Friday, July 3rd, Captain 
]\ressick mustered his little band, on what is now 
"Hancock Avenue," about 400 feet to the left of 

363 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

''high water mark" on Cemetery Ridge, ready for the 
work of the day. Company F, the Red Wing Company, 
returned from skirmishing down towards Round Top 
and some special duty men were called in and given 
muskets to handle ; but with all these, the once form- 
idable First Minnesota now had but about 140 of- 
ficers and men. Company C, Captain Farrell's St. 
Paul company, did not come from division head- 
quarters until Pickett's advance was within 400 yards 
of our position, and after the regiment had moved 
from its position to the right. 

Soon after sunrise the little battalion called by 
courtesy the First IMinnesota, was moved up to its 
place in Harrow's Brigade line. In appearance it 
resembled one of the many skeleton Confederate 
regiments after the battle of Antietam. Gibbon's 
Division was formed to the south of Hays' along the 
ridge, with Webb's Brigade next to Hays,' Hall's 
next to Webb's and Harrow's next to Hall's. In 
Harrow's Brigade the Nineteenth Maine was first, 
then in order to the left, the First Minnesota, the 
Fifteenth Massachusetts, and the Eighty-second New 
York. 

The regiment's position was on the crest of the 
ridge — the line running north and south — a little 
south of the clump of trees, the "high water mark" 
where the proud waves of the rebellion were stayed. 
Upon their arrival the men set to work to erect a 
little line of miniature breastworks behind which they 
might find some shelter from the storm which they 
knew would soon burst upon them. They had no 
regular intrenching tools, and made a slight barri- 
cade of loose stones and fence rails picked up nearby, 
and used tin plates as shovels in scooping up sand. 

The fire of Stannard's brigade, as previously 
stated, caused the Confederate force to give way or 

364 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA ON THE THIRD DAY 

oblique to the north, so that instead of striking 
Harrow's Brigade as they set out to do, they fell 
against Webb's. Two regiments of Stannard, the 
Fourteenth and Sixteenth, drove back Wilcox's Bri- 
gade when it came up later. 

General Hancock was wounded while instructing 
Colonel Randall about fighting his regiment. In his 
report Colonel Randall says : 

"General Hancock was wounded while 
sitting on his horse giving nie some direc- 
tions. I was standing near him and as- 
sisted him from his horse. General Stannard 
was also wounded soon after and compelled 
reluctantly to leave the field, since which 
time I have been in command of the bri- 
gade." 

In ]\Irs. Hancock's "Reminiscences" it is stated 
by Gen. C. H. Morgan, that General Hancock was 
wounded by "a wrought-iron ten-penny nail bent 
double, which entered the leg near the groin. The 
surgeons extracted several pieces of wood splinters 
from the saddle which had been driven into the 
wound. 

During the forenoon while the regiment lay be- 
hind the molehill line which passed for a barricade, 
there was skirmishing on the hillside to the front. 
Some scattered farm buildings, deserted by the own- 
ers, had been occupied by the Confederate skirmish- 
ers that w^ere making it unpleasant for some of 
Hays' division. A charge upon the buildings by the 
Union skirmishers drove the Confederates away; the 
buildings were then burned, and the trouble they 
caused was not repeated. During the racket this 
incident created, most of the ]\Iinnesotians lay behind 
their frail little wall. 

When the tremendous cannonading began at 1 

365 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

o'clock, the men thought they heard such cannonad- 
ing at Antietam and Fredericksburg as they would 
never hear again, but that noise would have been 
smothered by the volume of sound created by Hunt's 
and Alexander's cannons at Gettysburg. It seemed 
that nothing four feet from the ground could live in 
the pathway of the rushing battle-bolts, the scream- 
ing shells, the hustling shot, the whirring grape. And 
yet the Lord of Battles put up His shield in front 
of many a man on the Union line and turned the 
deadly missiles aside. The men Avere somewhat dis- 
couraged when it was plain that the Confederate 
firing was the heavier, and when a Union caisson full 
of ammunition was struck and exploded with a 
frightful shock. But occasionally they heard to the 
v\'est a great explosion and saw a big bunch of smoke 
arise, and then they knew that caissons were being 
blown up on both sides. 

After an hour or so the Union cannons stopped 
firing, while the Confederate batteries still flamed and 
roared. At last the Confederate batteries were 
silent, and then over to the west, on Seminary Ridge, 
regiments and brigades were seen aligning, gun 
barrels and bayonets gleaming, and red flags em- 
blazoned with blue crosses waving over them, as 
Pickett's and Pettigrew's divisions with their sup- 
ports formed for the charge. 

Then the grey columns moved and soon de- 
bouched from the woods, three-fourths of a mile 
away, into the Valley of Death. The force had near- 
ly half a mile of front and it Avas in fine order, not- 
Avithstanding it had to leap across ditches and climb 
OA'er stone fences and pass rough ground. It certainly 
seemed very determined and A^ery formidable. 

As the Confederate column adA'anced it came un- 
der the terrible fire of the Union batteries on the 

366 



THE FIRST .MINNESOTA ON THE THIRD DAY 

crest,* which had been cooling their guns and saving 
their ammunition for just such an emergency. They 
rained case shot, shells and canister upon their as- 
sailants in a fiery shovrer that opened great gaps in 
their columns as if lava and thunderbolts were being 
hurled upon them. A few Confederate batteries hav- 
ing rifled guns and expert gunners kept up a fire on 
the Union position until the Confederates came close 
to it. The gunners had the range well and burst tlieir 
shells squarely over the Union barricades. 

Hays' Division (Smyth's and Willard's Brigades) 
took care of Pettigrew's force, nothwithstanding it 
crossed the Union wall and that the North Caro- 
linians came ''farthest north."** 

To repel the charge General Webb had placed the 
"California regiment" and three guns of Cushing's 
Battery at the stone Avail, to the right or north of the 
Sixty-ninth, which was an Irish regiment, (Colonel 
Dennis O'Kane) and which lay behind an improvised 
fence like that built by the First Minnesota. The 
Fire Zouaves were held in reserve just over the crest 
of the hill. 

Pickett's Division of Virginians now came up and 
drove against the wall behind which was the "Cali- 
fornia Regiment" and Cushing's three guns. General 
Armistead's Brigade now had the advance and Armi- 
stead led it.*** The other brigade commanders were 

*Tlie batteries of Gibbon's Division did the greater 
part of this firing. They were Woodruff's (formerly 
Kirby's) in Ziegler's Grove, at the north of the Corps 
line; Arnold's with Smyth's Brigade of Hays; Cushing's, 
with Webb's Brigade; Brown's with Hall's Brigade, and 
Rorty's (N. Y.) with Harrow's Brigade. At 2 p.m. 
Cowan's New York replaced Brown's. 

**0n the monument at Raleigh to the Confederate 
North Carolina troops is this inscription: "First at Big 
Bethel, farthest at Gettysburg, last at Appomattox." 
***As a captain in the Tenth U. S. Infantry before ithe 

367 



THE FIEST MINNESOTA 

stretched on the hillside. Armistead had only about 
500 men with him when he came up to the wall. He 
put his cap on his sword and held it up high as a 
sort of gonfalon for his men to follow. 

Every man in the little battalion followed the 
colors and upon the enemy. O'Brien was soon pros- 
trated with a grievous wound and Corporal W. N. 
Irvine, of the Minneapolis company, snatched the 
Hag from his hands and bore it until victory came. 
This was the same gallant Corporal Irvine that had 
the perilous adventure at Fredericksburg. 

Of course the Virginians fought bravely and des- 
perately but without avail. Here the tide turned, 
definitely for the Union cause. Gibbon's and Hays' 
divisions captured 33 flags and with them 3,186 pris- 
oners. Harrow's Brigade got four flags. Marshall 
Sherman, a St. Paul man, (Company C) took from 
its bearer the flag of the Twenty-eighth Virginia, of 
Garnett's Brigade of Pickett. General Garnett, com- 
manding the brigade, and Col. R. C. Allen, command- 
ing the regiment, were both killed. The flag is now 
in the Minnesota State Capitol building. 

In a few seconds General Armistead had been 
mortally wounded and 42 of his 150 followers lay 
dead within the Union lines. Nearly all of the re- 
mainder of the 150 were wounded or prisoners. The 
Union loss was not so large, but it was large enough, 
This state of affairs could not last long. The work 
of death could not go on much longer, for the supply 
of material to work upon was fast being exhausted. 
The Confederates that had not cared to cross the 

war, Armistead served for some years in the Northwest. 
He was a member of the garrison of Fort Ridgely for 
abdult two years, and for a time was stationed at Fort 
Snelling. It is said that he had no real sympathy with 
the Southern rebellion, but fought because of regard for 
his family and his State, Virginia. 

368 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

walls but stood on the outside, soon stopped shoot- 
ing. Many lay down dead or wounded and many 
othere prostrated themselves and feigned death be- 
cause they wanted to be taken prisoners. 

The remainder of the assaulting force — probably 
one-third of that which started from Seminary Ridge 
— retreated hurriedly, and in great heart-sickness 
and distress, down the slope, across the valley, and 
back to Seminary Ridge. But one-third of this one- 
third never reached safety. Stormed at with shot and 
shell and musketry as they ran, hundreds of them 
were prostrated in death or by wounds; others, over- 
come by fear and horror, dropped in sheltered places 
and were as easily gathered up as if they had been 
children. 

Nearing their former positions they came upon 
General Lee, sitting on his horse and reviewing them 
as the}' passed by him. For their comfort he kept 
calling out: "It is all my fault, men; you are not 
to blame. It is all my fault; but we will do better 
next time." He had persisted in ordering the as- 
sault. Longstreet and the other generals opposed it 
— except Pickett, who was a madcap sort of a fel- 
low and delighted in daring deeds. But Avhen he was 
ready to charge, Pickett asked Longstreet: "Shall I 
move forward now, sir?" and Longstreet could ut- 
ter no word of reply, but only bowed his head 
slightly. Then Pickett called out cheerfully: "I 
shall move." 

In the fighting on July 3, the First Minnesota had 
in all perhaps 150 men. Its loss was 3 officers (Cap- 
tain Messick, Captain Farrell and Lieutenant Mason) 
and 23 men killed or mortally wounded ; three of- 
ficers, (Lieutenants Harmon, Heffelfinger and May) 
and 29 men wounded not mortally. Total killed and 
mortally wounded, 23; total wounded, 32; grand 

369 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

total killed and wounded, 55. This is what the nom- 
inal list shows, as it is still preserved and of record. 
Yet in his historical sketch Lochren says the total 
killed and wounded was but 17. He seems to have 
reached this conclusion after stating that the regi- 
ment's loss in both days was 232, and that 215 were 
j lost July 2. He forgot that a few days after the 
battle he made a different report which is still on file 
in his own writing. One man of Company L (Sylves- 
ter Brown) was killed away from the regiment July 
3. The Sharpshooters were generally accounted sep- 
arately from the Regiment ; but if their loss at 
Gettysburg is included, the Regiment had one officer, 
Captain Messick, and 11 men killed outright July 3. 

Captain Farrell died in the evening of July 4. In 
the report dated July 5, written by Adjutant Loch- 
ren, but signed by Captain Coates, it is stated : 
"Capt. W. B. Farrell, Company C, was mortally 
wounded and died last night." Lieutenant Mason had 
his arm amputated and died from the shock at Har- 
risburg, August 18th. Both Captain Messick and 
Captain Farrell were members of General Gorman's 
Indiana regiment in the Mexican war. 

The wounded were conveyed to the hospitals on 
the Baltimore pike the Taneytown road, and in the 
valley of Rock Creek. Afterward they were distri- 
buted among the great general hospitals at Harris- 
burg, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and some were sent 
to New York City. 

Lieutenant Lochren 's account of the regiment's 
participation in the third day's battle, as given in 
his Gettysburg address, is as follows : 

"The next morning the few survivors, re- 
enforced by Company F, took our place in 
the line of the division near the Cemetery. 

370 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA ON THE THIRD DAY 

The forenoon passed quietly with a little 
skirmishing and the burning of some build- 
ings in our front. But suddenly about one 
o'clock a tremendous cannonade opened 
along Seminary Ridge, all converging on our 
position and speedily responded to by our 
artillery on the higher ground behind us. 
More than one hundred and fifty cannon on 
each side were firing rapidly, the missiles 
mostly passing over us. After about two 
hours our artillery ceased, and the enemy's 
soon ceased also. We knew well what was 
coming and strained our eyes toward the 
wood nearly a mile away where the Con- 
federate infantry were emerging in heavy 
. force and forming in two lines with flank 
supports. At the time we estimated the 
force as twenty thousand, as it moved for 
our position with firm step although our ar- 
tillery had opened on them with telling ef- 
fect, and we could not repress expressions 
of admiration at the steady stride with 
which they closed up their ranks and pressed 
forward. When they came within musketry 
range they got the fire of our whole corps 
and the slaughter was great, but the step 
was changed to double quick and they 
rushed to the charge. 

"Here Hancock wheeled Stannard's bri- 
gade of Vermont troops at our left to en- 
filade them and their line parted. Perhaps one 
quarter deflecting to their right and soon 
overcome by the Vennonters. At the same 
time the rest defiled more to their left and 
passing from our front and that of Hall's bri- 
gade struck Webb's on the right of our di- 
vision overrunning a battery in his front and 
pushing back his regiments. But our bri- 
gade had at the same time run by the right 
flank in rear of Webb, our regiment being 
just then joined by Company C and mingled 
with Webb's men, made a counter charge 

371 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

overcoming the Confederates in a hand to 
hand struggle in which bayonets and even 
stones were used. Here the regiment lost 
seventeen more men including two captains 
successively in command, who were killed 
and a Confederate flag was captured by one 
of our men. This ended the severe fighting 
on the field, turned back the invasion of the 
North, and turned forever the tide of 
] victory. ' ' 

No sooner had the Confederates passed beyond 
musket shot on their retreat than the regiments were 
drawn up ready to follow them. Darkness fell while 
the troops were momentarily expecting the order to 
advance, and they lay down to sleep with accoutre- 
ments on, expecting to be called up to fight at any 
moment. 

After nightfall there was still danger. The moon 
had changed and with it the weather. The sky 
soon became overcast. From Harrow's Brigade the 
entire Fifteenth Massachussetts was sent forward on 
picket duty, or rather on the skirmish line, for they 
and the *'rebs" kept picking away at one another 
all night, and until noon of the next day. 

Toward morning came on a terrible rain storm, 
another instance where rain followed a battle. In this 
case the downpour was proportioned to the tremen- 
dous cannonade of the previous afternoon. Only a 
very few of the troops were in tents and the soldiers 
were drenched in an instant. Sudden torrents swept 
over the hills and poured down the hillsides. The 
field hospital of Hays' Division was in a valley on a 
level with Rock Creek. It was flooded in a few min- 
utes. Hundreds of Confederate wounded had been 
collected there, and some of them Avere really saved 
from drowning by being hastily carried to higher 
ground. 

372 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA ON THE THIRD DAY 

Out on the battlefield lay hundreds of the dead, 
the downpour washing their bloody wounds and 
stark faces, as if preparing them for sepulture. 

The morning of July 4 was still rainy. It was 
Independence Day. The Union soldiers celebrated it 
by caring for the dead and wounded and by gather- 
ing up the muskets and accoutrements left on the 
field, by the dead, the wounded and the prisoners. 
The bayonets were fixed on the muskets and then 
stuck in the ground, and in a little time there were 
acres of muskets as thick as young trees in a nur- 
sery. The First Minnesota, Fifteenth Massachusetts 
and Nineteenth Maine, gathered up 1,740 guns and 
600 sets of accoutrements, according to General 
Harrow's report. 

The Confederates over on Seminary Ridge ob- 
served the day by building good breastworks, which 
extended clear around the north end of the Ridge, 
and by preparing as best they knew how to resist a 
confidently expected attack from the Yankees. But 
the repulse of Pickett's and Pettigrew's charge vir- 
tually ended the three days' battle of Gettysburg. 
There was a little skirmishing and artillery firing on 
the 4th, but it amounted to nothing. Lee was busy 
all the afternoon in sending off his trains and pris- 
oners and that night the army followed, taking the 
Cashtown and Fairfield roads towards Harper's 
Ferry. 

NOTES ON THE REGIMENT AND THE BATTLE. 

General Hancock made a singularly incorrect re- 
port of the conduct of the First Minnesota on July 
2, and his statement has been made the basis of and 
the authority for many incorrect versions of the ex- 
perience of the regiment on that day. The General 
dictated his official report some weeks after the 

373 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

battle, before his wound had entirely healed, and 
perhaps did not remember the incidents of the day 
very clearly. At all events, when he came to describe 
what the First ]\Iinnesota did, he wrote : 

"Proceeding along the line, I met a regi- 
ment of the enemy, the head of whose col- 
umn was about passing through an unpro- 
tected interval in our line. A fringe of 
undergrowth in front of the line offered 
facilities for it to approach very close to 
our lines without being observed. It was 
advancing firing and had already twice 
wounded my aide. Captain Miller. The First 
Minnesota regiment, coming up at this mo- 
ment, charged the regiment in handsome 
style capturing its colors and driving it back 
in disorder. I cannot speak too highly of 
this regiment and its commander in its at- 
tack, as well as in its subsequent advance 
against the enemy, in which it lost three- 
fourths of the officers and men engaged. 
One of the regiments of the Vermont Brigade 
afterwards advanced upon its (the First Min- 
nesota's) right, and retook the guns of one 
of the reserve batteries, from which the 
cannoneers and supports had been driven."* 

General , Hancock evidently did not see all of 
Wilcox's Brigade which was "advancing firing," or 
he would not have called it a "regiment." The bri- 
gade numbered, according to General AVilcox, 1,200 
men. The First Minnesota was not "coming up" 
when it prepared to charge; it had been "up" for 

*After the war General Hancock was in Minneapolis 
and there met many of the survivors of the regiment, 
and he stated among other things, that his first report 
on the battle of Gettysburg never reached the War De- 
partment, and that in that report he had made special 
mention of the charge of the First Minnesota the second 
day. (C. B. Heffelfinger. ) 

374 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA ON THE THIRD DAY 

some time. It did not capture any colors at the 
time of its charge or on that day. Evidently General 
Hancock had in mind the work of the Regiment on 
July 3, when he mentions its "subsequent advance 
against the enemy," although it did not lose "three- 
fourths of the officers and men engaged" on that 
day, which was the day when it captured the flag. 
The General has given the Regiment deserved praise 
for the work it performed, even if his itemized state- 
ment as to when the work was done is lamentably 
confused. 

Describing the engagement of his brigade after 
the defeat of Sickles' Corps, July 2nd, General Har- 
row, who commanded the old Gorman Brigade, re- 
ported : 

"The Nineteenth Maine, Colonel Heath 
commanding, were moved to the left and 
front of the division line, and placed to the 
right of Lieutenant Brown's Battery. * * * 
As the enemy advanced, the first of the di- 
vision to become engaged were the Eighty- 
second New York and the Fifteenth ]\Iassa- 
chusetts, in the aggregate not more than 700 
strong and without support. * * * 

"They were forced to retire after heavy 
losses, including their respective Colonels, 
Houston and Ward, both of whom were 
mortally wounded and each since dead; 
also many line officers killed and wounded. 
The enemy continued to advance until 
they attacked with great fury the com- 
mands of Colonels Colvill and Heath, en- 
deavoring to take the batteries under 
their protection. In this assault Colonel 
Colvill, Lieutenant Adams and IMajor 
Downie of the First Minnesota, were shot 
down, the two former severely and I fear 
mortally, wounded; but the command main- 

375 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

tained its position until supplanted by the 
arrival of other troops." 

At an Old Settlers' Association banquet held in 
St. Paul some years since, J. J. Hill was present and 
being called on to speak, he said — among other things : 

"Many do not know and perhaps many 
of you do not know that the First Regiment 
of Minnesota Volunteers holds the record 
for individual bravery in the history of the 
wars of the world since Thermopylae. They 
lost 83 per cent of their men in dead and 
wounded. Hancock sent them to stop the 
advance of a Confederate division, to attack 
the head of the column and capture the col- 
ors. And Colonel Colvill took this handful 
of men into that attack and literally cut off 
the head of the marching column, and did 
capture the colors. That charge has no 
parallel in the history of warfare. 

"At Balaklava, in the charge of the Light 
Brigade, immortalized in poetry by Tenny- 
son, the loss was only 36 per cent and there 
was no doubt that many of these were killed 
by running to get away. 

"And in the German Guards at Gravel- 
otte the mortality did not approach the per- 
centage of our First Regiment. In Berlin 
about a year ago, a German general asked 
me why it was that the United States was 
entering on a war. 'Why,' he said, 'you 
have no army.' I quoted this charge to 
him, and he said it could not be possible. 
On my return I sent him a copy of 'Fox's 
Llilitary Losses,' and sent one also to the 
commander-in-chief of the British army in 
India. From the latter I received the reply: 
'Those figures were a revelation to me. 
Every man must have been a hero'." 

Maj. Edward Rice, Nineteenth Massachusetts, of 
Hall's Brigade, and who was a friend of the lament- 

376 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA ON THE THIRD DAY 

ed Captain Farrell, writes in "Battles and Leaders" 
(Vol. 3, p. 389) of the part taken by his regiment 
and the Forty-second New York (Tammany) in re- 
pelling Pickett's charge: "Our two regiments were 
ordered forward to the clump of trees. The ad- 
vance was rapidly thinned by the hostile fire on the 
flank and in the clump of trees as we came to the line. 
Captain Farrell, of the First Minnesota, with the com- 
pany, came in on my left. As we greeted each other, 
he received his death wound and fell in front of his 
men, who now began firing." 

While lying under Confederate artillery fire just 
before the great charge on the 3rd, the Fifteenth 
Massachusetts was in line to the left of the First 
Minnesota. A Confederate shot passed just under 
a Fifteenth man, and in plain view of the Minne- 
sotians threw him into the air and backward some 
ten feet. As he alighted an officer of the Fifteenth 
walked over where he lay and on his return sentent- 
iously remarked: "He has passed over." General 
Hunt, the Union Chief of Artillery, was riding along 
at the time, saw the incident and thus (in Battles 
and Leaders) narrates it : 

"As I passed along, a bolt from a rifle- 
gun struck the ground just in front of a 
man of the front rank, penetrated the sur- 
face and passed under him, throwing him 
over and over. He fell behind the rear 
rank, apparently dead; a ridge of earth 
where he had been lying made the incident 
remind me of the backwoodsmen's practice 
of 'barking' squirrels." 

On the morning of July 4 the ranks of the shat- 
tered First Minnesota were straightened up and it 
was made ready for the next battle, which it was 
believed was only a day or so away. The first thing 

377 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

to do was to mend the shot-severed flag-staff and the 
color guard at once undertook the work of repair. 
The lower part had been lost, and the upper was 
only two feet long below the ragged, bullet-rent 
banner. Corp. Newell Irvine of Company D was now 
in charge of the flag, having received it on the 
battlefield from Harry O'Brien, then staggering un- 
der two cruel wounds. Somebody brought a piece 
of Confederate flagstaff that belonged to a captured 
flag, and Irvine said: "We can use this all right 
enough, for it has been captured from the 'rebs' and 
is now a Union stick." And so the Union piece and 
the Confederate piece were spliced and formed an 
indissoluble union, and thus united held aloft the 
Union colors thereafter, and still hold them in their 
place of honor in IMinnesota 's new Capitol. And 
this splicing of the pieces of flagstaff fore-shadowed 
the time when Union and Confederate should unite in 
upholding the colors of the old Union forever. 

Then when the flagstaff was mended and ready 
to go forward again, there had to be an official re- 
organization of the regiment. Capt. Harry C. Coates, 
of one of the St. Paul companies (Company A) be- 
came, by virtue of the seniority of his commission, 
(dated Sept. 18, 1861) acting colonel of the First 
Minnesota. He appointed Lieut. Wm. Lochren adju- 
tant, in place of Lieut. John Peller, who had also 
been wounded when so many others were, on July 2. 
On the 5th Captain Coates made his report to 
Governor Ramsey of the part taken by the regi- 
ment in the battle on both days, (See Minnesota in 
Civil and Indian AVars, Vol. 2, p. 372) signing him- 
self ^'Captain Commanding First Regiment Minne- 
sota Volunteers," though Lochren says that he, as 
adjutant, made out the document. 

In his report of the services of the regiment in 

378 




MONU.MENT KUKCTKD (JN GETTYSBURG BATTLE FIELD 

TO COiAEMEMORATE THE SERVICES OF THE 

REGIMENT IN REPELLING "PICKETT'S 

CHARGE" ON JULY 3RD, 1863. 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA ON THE THIRD DAY 

the two days' fighting at Gettysburg, Captain Coates 
says it lost 4 commissioned officers and 47 men killed, 
13 officers and 162 men wounded, and 6 missing, a 
total loss of 232, which he says was "out of less than 
330 men and officers engaged;" this report was made 
July 5. The nominal list made out August 31 to 
accompany the monthly report shows however that 
there were 7 officers and 88 men killed and mortally 
wounded and 9 officers and 141 men wounded not 
mortally, a total of killed, mortally wounded and 
wounded of 245 ; mising none. 



79 



CHAPTER XL VI. 

MEADE FOLLOWS LEE ACROSS THE POTOMAC. 

ON July 6 a large part of the army moved from 
Gettysburg toward Emmittsburg, and the re- 
mainder followed the next day, July 7. Meade 's head- 
quarters were at Frederick, on the 8th at Middleton, 
on the 9th at the South Mountain House, and on the 
10th at Antietam Creek, three miles north of the battle- 
ground. On the 11th a new bridge was put over 
Antietam Creek, and on the 13th General Meade had 
his forces in front of the position taken up by Lee at 
"Williamsport to cover his passage over the Potomac. 

But in the meantime Lee's army had reached 
Williamsport on the evening of the Tth, had been 
there six days waiting for the high water in the 
river to fall, having in the meantime fortified him- 
self with a strong line of breastworks. 

General Lee fortified himself behind good breast- 
works in the southern angle formed by the conflu- 
ence of the Conococheague and the Potomac, the 
south end of his line resting on the Potomac near 
Downsville covering Falling Waters, three miles be- 
low Williamsport. The position was a strong one. 

General IMeade arrayed his army in front of Lee's 
breastworks on July 12, and the next morning called 
a council of his generals to decide whether or not 
the enemy should be attacked. A majority of 
Meade's generals voted that it was better not to 
attack. Owing to the nature of the ground in their 
front, an attack on Lee's breastworks at Williams- 
port would probably have resulted as did Burnside's 
assaults on the Confederate leader's Avorks at Marye's 
Heights. (See Meade's report. War Recs.) 

380 



MEADE FOLLOWS LEE ACROSS THE POTOMAC 

Both Lochren and Captain Coates reported one 
man missing at Gettysburg, but this was a mistake. 
The man they named was Michael Devlin, a plucky 
young Irishman of St. Paul in Company A. He was 
badly wounded on the 3d and reached another divi- 
sion hospital and so was lost for some time. He re- 
joined his company as soon as he could, and when 
his time was about up, he re-enlisted in the First 
Battalion for three years more, and finally died in a 
St. Louis hospital a few days before Lee surrendered. 

The Second Corps started with the rest of the 
army in pursuit of Lee on the afternoon of July 5 
while the trail was fresh, Brig. Gen. Wm. Hays, of 
the Third Division, in command of the Corps; he 
was senior to General Caldwell, whom Hancock had 
selected. General Harrow took command of the divi- 
sion. The only colonel in the Gorman Brigade was 
Colonel Francis E. Heath, of the Nineteenth Maine, 
and he assumed its command. Two captains were 
regimental commanders now in the brigade. Capt. 
Harry Coates led the First Minnesota and Capt. John 
Darrow commanded the Eighty-second New York. 

The First Minnesota marched out of Gettysburg 
on the pursuit of Lee's army with about 150 officers 
and men equipped and ready to fight. It was a small 
regiment, yet a proud one, for two strenuous trials 
in the hot, red fires of battle had demonstrated that 
it was all good steel, without a particle of dross — 
not a man "captured or missing in action." 

The evening of the first day's march, a place 
called the Two Taverns was reached, and here the 
troops spent the 6th ; the next day they marched to 
Taneytown, Md., 15 miles southeast of Gettysburg. 
The next day, however, the distance compassed was 
24 miles from Taneytown southwest to Frederick. 

381 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

, Lochren notes that on this day's march they passed 

\the aristocratic Seventh New York militia regiment 

! resting by the side of the road. Its officers and men 

/were of the wealthy classes of New York City. It 
was said that the wealth owned by one company 
alone aggregated $20,000,000. The regiment was of 
the New York militia and only sent out of the state 
on extraordinary occasions such as the big scare 
caused by Lee's invasion. Lochren says the dandy 
soldiers had to undergo all manner of jibes and 
jeers from the lines of the dusty and rough-and-ready 
veterans that marched by them. 

On the 9th the command marched through the 
South Mountains to Rohrersville and Keedysville, near 
the Antietam battle-ground, and on the lOtli to the 
hamlet of Tighlmanton. It was now near Lee's army 
at Williamsport. On the 11th the Corps made a short 
march and took position on the left or south of the 
Fifth Corps. During the 12th slight changes of posi- 
tion were made in expectation of the anticipated 
assault on Lee's breastworks. 

When on the 14th the skirmishers went out to 
open the way for the proposed grand charge, they 
found that the Confederates had skedaddled without 
a fight. Caldwell's Division of the Second Corps 
was sent in pursuit and followed Custer's cavalry to 
the pontoon bridge at Falling Waters. Lee made a 
very clean retreat. The Confederates did not have 
much property to spare and they did not leave much. 
Perhaps 250 muskets, two pieces of artillery, two 
ambulances stalled in the mud and one wagon broken 
dowa. were gathered up. A singular thing was that 
about 350 prisoners, asleep in barns and other out- 
buildings and in the woods, were made. The poor 
"rebs" were tired and played out from digging 
breastworks and almost incessant guard and picket 

duty for three days. 

382 



CHAPTER XL VII. 

BACK TO THE RAPPAHANNOCK. 

ON re-crossing the Potomac, General Lee fell back 
into that well-known Confederate harbor of 
refuge, the Shenandoah Valley, placing his army on 
the line of Oquequan Creek. This was the same posi- 
tion his forces had occupied after their retreat from 
Antietam the previous year. Here he soon revictualed 
his men and secured for them other supplies, so that 
in a short time they were comparatively comfortable. 
He also added to his army several thousand volun- 
teers and conscripts. The latter class were proving 
brave soldiers. 

The army crossed the Potomac on pontoon bridges 
at Harper's Ferry and Berlin, July 17 and 18, and 
follow^ed southward, skirting the Blue Ridge on the 
eastern side. Lee, conforming to this movement, fell 
back still further up the Shenandoah, passing Win- 
chester and Kemstown, and sending Longstreet on 
ahead with his Corps to Culpeper. Mindful of Lin- 
coln's advice, General Meade was now "stimulated 
to an active pursuit" of Lee. By the 22d he had 
reached the Manassas Gap in the Blue Ridge when 
the long Confederate column was passing on the 
other side of the mountain range. The two armies 
had been acting somewhat like two hostile dogs 
trotting along on either side of a fence, glaring and 
growling at each other and occasionally stopping to 
snap and bite. Now here was an opening in the 
fence ! 

General ]\Ieade acted promptly. Longstreet had 
sent a small force into jManassas Gap to hold it ; but 
Meade's skirmishers soon attacked this force. On 

383 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

the 22d Meade sent Sickles' Third Corps, now under 
General French, into the Gap to clean it out. General 
Meade had determined to attack the Confederates. 
He directed all five of his Corps upon Manassas Gap, 
intending to use them all if necessary. General 
French, with his Third Corps, was to have the ad- 
vance and bring on the fight. The Confederates, a 
part of Longstreet's Corps, were known to be in posi- 
tion on the west side of the Gap, near Front Royal, 
a little town on the Shenandoah, a few miles west 
of ]\Ianassas Gap. It must be borne in mind that 
Manassas Gap is 50 miles westward from Manassas 
Station, near Bull Run. 

But when morning came it was found that during 
the night the Confederates had slipped away and 
were then moving for Culpeper! 

By August 3 all three of the Confederate Corps 
were strung out along the south side of the Rapidan 
from Orange Court House on the west to Germania 
Ford on the east, in the vicinity of Chancellorsville, 
Meade's army was on the Rappahannock, a few miles 
north of Lee's. 

July 15, the next day after the Confederates 
crossed the Potomac, the Second Corps marched to 
Sandy Hook, near Harper's Ferry. This was familiar 
ground to the First Minnesota. The Regiment had 
first visited it two years before, when the war was 
new, and it had repeated the visit in the fall of 
1862, after Antietam. Now it was here for the third 
time. On the 16th the march was continued five 
miles through Sandy Hook into Pleasant Valley, and 
here the command rested for two days and drew new 
clothing, which was badly needed. 

On the 18th the Regiment crossed the Potomac 
over a pontoon bridge to Plarper's Ferry, but with- 
out stopping went on and crossed the Shenandoah on 

384 



BACK TO THE EAPPAHANNOCK 

a new wire bridge, and kept on up the Loudoun 
Valley for about eight miles. The next day it 
marched eight miles to near Wood Grove. On the 
20th it went about 12 miles to near Snicker's Gap 
and Bloomfield and then halted for another two days' 
rest. 

The men always remembered the Snicker's Gap 
district and the others on the line of this march for 
the abundance and lusciousness of the blackberries, 
now ripe and to be found almost anywhere. The 
weather was hot, and the roads dusty. Diarrhoea 
broke out among the men and promised to become 
a serious matter, when the blackberry patches were 
encountered. In a few days there was no diarrhoea. 
The berries, sweetened with the army's brown sugar, 
constituted a cordial which was a sovereign remedy. 
The manna and the quails were not more heartily 
Avelcomed by the Israelites when they were traveling 
through the wilderness than was this luscious fruit 
by men of the Army of the Potomac when they were 
toiling through the Loudoun Valley in July, 1863. 

On the 22d the command marched from the 
Snicker's Gap, where it had served in November, 
1862. The next day it marched in all 17 miles. It 
first reached Markham Station, on the Manassas Gap 
Railroad (running between the Shenandoah Valley 
and Manassas Junction, near Bull Run), and after 
a brief halt was ordered on to Manassas Gap, pre- 
paratory to being engaged in General Meade's an- 
ticipated battle with Longstreet. The road was 
rough and it was midnight before the Gap was 
reached. The men made coffee and bivouacked. The 
next evening occurred the action at Wapping Heights. 
The command expected to be ordered through the 
Gap the next morning and take part in a great 
battle, but Longstreet retreated the night of the 23d 

385 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

and the next day the division returned to ]\Iarkhani 
Station, five miles from the Gap. On the 25th the 
march was resumed for 20 miles to White Plains, 
and on the 26th it was continued for 20 miles to 
"Warrenton. At Warrenton, a town well known to 
the Army of the Potomac, the Regiment remained 
in camp until July 30. 

July 31 the Second Corps marched from its camp 
on Elk Run to Morrisville, which is 18 miles south 
of Warrenton, a few miles north of the North Fork 
of the Rappahannock, and 20 miles northeast of 
Fredericksburg. Here in camp, which was moved a 
few times hither and thither in the woods, the First 
Minnesota remained until August 15. 

The Regimental monthly returns for July (made 
on the 31st) showed "present for duty equipped" 
14 officers and 130 men in the Regiment proper, a 
total of 144. The company of Sharpshooters attached 
to the Regiment numbered 2 officers and 22 men, 
making a total of the Regiment's strength of 168. 
Captain Coates was still in command. 



386 



CHAPTER XLVIII. 

ENFORCING THE DRAFT IN NEW YORK CITY. 

AFTER Gettysburg both the Union and the Con- 
federate authorities were very active in en- 
forcing their respective conscript laws and orders 
and drafting men for their armies. The Confederates 
had been making conscripts since the early spring of 
1862, and by the summer of 1863 had a most sweep- 
ing drafting system. By this means, largely, they 
were able to replenish their depleted ranks ; there 
were very few volunteers. 

The Union authorities avoided this harsh method 
of raising soldiers for a long time after the Con- 
federates had adopted it. They substituted the offer 
of liberal bounties and other inducements, but at last 
they had to resort to drafting. Lists of able-bodied 
males over 18 and under 45 residing in the delin- 
quent districts were made out and the names, written 
on slips, put into boxes. Then a number of slips 
corresponding to the number of men required were 
draAvn out, and the men whose names were on the 
list, if found eligible, were required to report for 
duty as soldiers. Each man so drafted, however, 
was allowed to furnish an altogether acceptable sub- 
stitute in his stead. 

The draft was generally well enforced through- 
out the northern states except in a few of the large 
cities. Boston and New York were notable excep- 
tions. In these cities, especially in New York, there 
were many foreign-born citizens, who were generally 
willing enough to vote and hold office, but did not 
want to fight. They had been naturalized almost 
solely by the influence of politicians who Avanted 

387 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

their votes. They were without any real love for 
America and republican institutions, and in the great 
war then raging hardly cared which side should win; 
at least they did ijot care enough to go out and fight 
and turn the scale in favor of the Union. 

These men were out of all sympathy with the war 
for the Union; some were opposed to disunion and 
justified the war but wanted it stopped at the earliest 
period possible by negotiations and compromise with 
the Confederates. Another sub-element, composed 
largely of lawyers, reprobated and condemned seces- 
sion and the establishment of the Southern Confed- 
eracy, but objected to the war. They were great 
sticklers for the forms of law and seemed to want 
the Confederates suppressed by the force of the 
civil law. 

The men in the cities that objected most strenu- 
ously to being drafted were, nine-tenths of them, 
foreign-born and most of them lived by their daily 
labor. They were opposed to the abolition of slavery, 
because they believed that the freed negroes would 
come up north and take their jobs. They were told 
that the negroes caused the war and they hated the 
poor black people intensely. These misguided men 
finally declared in mass meetings and otherwise that 
they would "not fight to free the niggers," that they 
would not be "dragged off into the nigger war," 
etc., and that they would fight to the death against 
conscription. 

On Monday, July 13, the drawing was resumed 
and a great riot broke out in New York City. The 
rioters included most of the scum of the city and the 
undesirable citizens, nearly all foreigners. The most 
desperate characters joined and came from their 
dens armed for fire, pillage, and murder. The con- 
scription offices Avere attacked, sacked and burned, 

388 



ENFORCING THE DRAFT IN NEW YORK CITY 

and those in charge beaten up and a few killed. 
The rioters seemed transformed into savages. They 
swarmed through the streets, beating or murdering 
every negro they caught, assaulting and chasing the 
conscript officers and others, and went on from bad 
to worse. They broke open and plundered fine man- 
sions and houses and also robbed many stores. 
They burned some public buildings, among which 
was an asylum for colored orphan children. For 
three days the city was given over to a terrible 
condition of things, a series of riots in which at last 
women and some children engaged in every dis- 
orderly crime from thieving to murder. 

The police of the city charged the rioters every- 
where and as far as was possible protected deserving 
persons and their property. At the inception of the 
riots the militia organizations of the city were 
absent in Pennsylvania and Maryland, being sent 
thither to resist Lee's invasion. They were sent for 
and hurried back to the city, and soon after their 
arrival the rioting and the rioters were suppressed. 
Col. Robert Nugent, formerly colonel of the Tam- 
many Regiment, and a ''War Democrat," was provost 
marshal of the city and kncAV how to handle troops. 
In two days, by the killing and wounding of 1,000 
or 1,200 rioters, order was restored. Only a few of 
the militia were killed. The most prominent victim 
of the insanity of the rioters was a Colonel O'Brien 
who was knocked down in the street and beaten and 
trampled to death; a priest administered the last 
sacrament of the church to him as he lay dying on 
the sidewalk, A company of IT. S. marines was set 
upon, their arms taken from them, and several of 
them killed. 

One provision of the first conscription law 
exempted a drafted man from service upon pay- 

389 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

ment of $300. This provision was borrowed from 
the Confederate law, which exempted a conscript 
who could pay $200. It caused great dissatisfaction 
among the poor men who were drafted and were 
unable to pay the exemption fee. In the South the 
poor men said: "This is a rich man's war but a poor 
man's fight," and the Northern poor men endorsed 
the sentiment. Finally the draft was suspended and 
the City Council agreed to pay the $300 exemption 
fee for every drafted man unable to pay it. The 
city also had to pay afterwards about $1,500,000 for 
the property destroyed by the rioters. In time the 
cash exemption was abolished. A drafted man then 
in a loyal state must either serve himself or furnish 
an acceptable substitute at his own expense. In the 
South every fighting man — at last from 16 to 60 — 
was forced out and made to enter the military 
service; no substitute and no bounties. 

The draft worked real hardship in many instances, 
especially in the Eastern states. When the drawing 
in New York was ordered resumed, August 19, there 
was apprehension of further trouble. The New York 
militia, and even the New York regiments in the 
army, were believed to be in such sjnnpathy with the 
drafted men that they could hardly be depended 
upon to fire on their felloAV citizens that should 
resist the conscription. Regiments from the Army 
of the Potomac, but from other states, were to be 
used to keep the peace and enforce the law if neces- 
sary. 

July 30 General Halleck ordered General Meade 
to send four regiments of infantry — emphasizing the 
fact that they must be "not Ncav York or Penn- 
sylvania" — to New York to report to General Canby, 
to help enforce the draft. 

Later, on August 15, while the Second Corps was 

390 



ENFORCING THE DRAFT IN NEW YORK CITY 

in its camps north of the Rappahannock, near Morris- 
ville and Elk Run, three additional regiments were 
ordered sent to New York. These were the First 
Minnesota, Seventh Michigan, and the Eighth Ohio. 
The regiments named marched the same afternoon 
to Bealeton Station, on the Orange & Alexandria 
Railroad, took the cars after nightfall, and reached 
Alexandria very early on the morning of the 16th. 
Col. S. S. Carroll, of the Eighth Ohio, was in com- 
mand of the three regiments ; for some time he had 
commanded a brigade in the Third (Hays') Division. 
Lieut. Myron Shepard, then of the Hastings com- 
pany (H), was a member of Colonel Carroll's staff. 

The First lay at Alexandria, with its comrade 
regiments, until August 20, when the draft had 
begun. It then went on board the ocean steamer 
''Atlantic," and the next morning sailed for New 
York. During the night, in some unknown manner, 
Lieut. August Kreuger, of Company A, of St. Paul, 
fell from the ship into the Potomac and was drowned. 
The ship was greatly crowded, and the officer was not 
missed until the vessel was well under way. The 
body was recovered, easily identified, and subsequent- 
ly cared for by Chaplain Conwell, who was sent back 
from New York City on that duty. 

On the 22d the Regiment was sailing on the 
Atlantic. The sea was rolling and the ship rolled 
with it, and nearly every land-lubber was seasick. 
To the great relief of everybody, the transport 
entered New York harbor on the morning of the 
23d. The First Minnesota was landed and encamped 
on Governor's Island, and here it remained for five 
enjoyable days. Truly its lines had fallen in pleasant 
places. It was not called out to shoot anybody, for 
the draft proceeded quietly; and it had fine quar- 
ters, the boys had a little money to spend, and 

391 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Captain Coates, the regimental commander, was very 
liberal in the matter of passes allowing the boys to 
go out and "see the town." On the 28th the Regi- 
ment crossed over Buttermilk Channel to Brooklyn 
and encamped in Fort Greene Park. Companies C 
and D, under command of Lieutenant Heffelfinger, 
were detailed to guard the drawing at the City Hall, 
and reported to the Provost Marshal. 

The good record of the Regiment seemed to be 
known to many people in Brooklyn. Its frightful 
but gallant experience at Gettysburg was fresh in 
their minds, for the newspapers had told of it. They 
showed the Minnesotians many flattering attentions. 
September 4 the ladies of Carlton Avenue ]\I. E. 
church gave them a sumptuous temperance banquet 
and feasted and feted them in admirable style. 

September 6 the command crossed on the ferry to 
New York City proper, but only marched through a 
part of the city to a ship wharf. Here it embarked 
on the steamship "Empire City" for its return to 
old Virginia and the field of duty and glory. After 
a very pleasant little ocean voyage the First Minne- 
sota returned to Alexandria and disembarked on the 
8th. Here it remained until the 12th, when it set 
out for its proper place in the old Gorman Brigade, 
which it found in camp west of Culpeper Court 
House, on the Orange & Alexandria Railroad. It 
joined the brigade on the 16th and went into camp 
about 12 miles west of its former station. Its excur- 
sion to New York had been practically a pleasant 
picnic from start to finish. 



392 




STATUE OF COL. WILT.IAAr COIA'TT.F. lOIil^CTKI^ AT 

CANNON FALLS, MINN., WHEIIK H K IS BURIED, 

AND A REPLICA OF WHICH STANDS IN 

THE CAPITOL, IN ST. PAUL, MINN. 



CHAPTER XLIX. 

THE CAMPAiaN OF MANEUVERS. 

THE First Minnesota returned to its place in the 
Army of the Potomac September 16. Captain 
Coates continued in command of the First Minnesota 
until October 4, when Ttlaj. j\Iark W. Downie re- 
turned from the hospital and relieved him. October 
3d General Harrow's resignation from the service 
was accepted, and General Alexander S. Webb, of 
the Second Brigade, assumed command of the division. 
The campaign that followed the occupation of the 
upper Rappahannock country by the armies of Gen- 
eral Meade and General Lee was practically a series 
of maneuvers by each army. General Lee soon 
realized that in General Meade he had a foeman 
worthy of his steel. The Southern commander frank- 
ly told his generals, when they were planning the 
Mine Run campaign, that of all the Federal com- 
manders that had led the Army of the Potomac, 
General Meade was the ablest. As the Southern 
writers quote him (see Major Stiles' "Four Years 
Under Marse Robert," p. 228; Geo. C. Eggleston's 
"Rebel's Recollections," etc.) General Lee said: 

"General Meade is the most troublesome 
Federal commander we have yet met. He is 
not only a general of courage, intelligence, 
and ability, but conscientious and careful. 
He is not afraid to fight upon an equal 
chance, and is constantly looking for an 
opportunity. If we make any mistake in 
his front, he will be certain to take advant- 
age of it." 

General Longstreet says that, before Grant came, 
General Lee, in referring to the Union generals he 

393 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

had contended against, said: ''Meade gives me more 
trouble and uneasiness than any of them." To Prof. 
Dobney, Lee said of Meade: "He was the ablest 
commander of the Army of the Potomac." 

Lee and Meade now sat down to watch each 
other. A considerable period of repose followed. 
Scouts were sent slyly out, but no important move- 
ments were made for some time. Each army was 
soon largely recruited by conscripts. On the Union 
side a majority of this element made good, brave 
and faithful soldiers. A few, however, were only 
"food for powder." Of the worthless element, half 
deserted within twenty days after they reached the 
army. This evil of desertion grew so great that to 
check it several offenders, when arrested, were sen- 
tenced by courts martial to be shot, and the sentences 
carried out. Others were sent to the Dry Tortugas, 
etc. The Fifteenth Massachusetts had one deserting 
conscript shot October 30, and the whole brigade 
was called out to witness the unpleasant spectacle. 

September 13 the cavalry, supported by the 
Second Corps, crossed the Rappahannock and at- 
tacked Lee's cavalry, driving it to the Rapidan and 
capturing three cannons and a lot of prisoners. 
The Second Corps occupied Culpeper Court House, 
taking no part in the fighting, but ready to advance 
the moment the cavalry cleared the fords over the 
Rapidan. It must be remembered that the Rapidan 
is virtually the south fork of the Rappahannock, 
uniting with the north fork about 12 or 15 miles 
west of Fredericksburg. Culpeper is on the peninsula 
between the two streams and scA-en or eight miles 
north of the Rapidan. The cavalry could not clear 
the Rapidan fords. 

Then September 16 General Meade crossed his 
entire army to the south side of the Rappahannock 

394 



THE CAMPAIGN OF MANEUVERS 

and took up positions around Culpeper Court House, 
with two Corps (the First and Sixth) advanced to 
the Rapidan. He meant to cross the latter stream 
and attack Lee, whose army was strung along the 
south bank, but he found that all crossings were 
commanded from Lee's side of the river by higher 
ground and by fortifications, and were impassable ; 
the works were being made stronger every hour. 
General Meade then planned a great flanking move- 
ment to the west part of the stream where the cross- 
ings were practicable; but just as he was about to 
put this movement into execution the Eleventh and 
Twelfth Corps were taken away from him, and he 
feared to undertake it with his diminished force. 

General Meade on October 10 sent General Buford 
with his cavalry division to the westward to uncover 
the upper fords of the Rapidan. He then expected 
to move a large force across these fords and attack 
the enemy in the rear, when the First and Sixth 
Corps would force the passages in their fronts. 

But General Meade discovered, when General 
Buford reached those upper fords, that General Lee, 
with his army, had already passed them on his way 
north with the intention of turning Meade's right 
or north flank ! The advance of the Confederates was 
well across Robinson's River, a northern tributary of 
the Rapidan, flowing southeastwardly through Madi- 
son county, and indeed was driving Meade's cavalry 
from ]\Iadison Court House, which is 18 miles west 
of Culpeper. 

To meet this new danger, General Meade, October 
11, hastily withdrew his army north of the Rappa- 
hannock, abandoning the town of Culpeper. The 
next day, however, learning that the Confederates 
were in Culpeper, General ]\Ieade determined to go 
back and attack them. Accordingly he took the 

395 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Second, Fifth, and Sixth Corps and re-crossed the 
Eappahannock, en route for Culpeper. The infantry 
got as far as Brandy Station (which is in Culpeper 
county, on the Orange & Alexandria Railroad, five 
miles southwest of the north fork and ten miles 
northeast of Culpeper) and Buford's cavalry drove 
the cavalry scouts of the enemy back into Culpeper. 
Meade intended moving to the attack the next 
morning; but during the night he received a dis- 
patch from General Gregg, commanding a cavalry 
division which had been guarding the upper fords 
of the Rappahannock and Hazel Rivers, and this 
dispatch said that Gregg and his division had been 
''forced back" early in the morning from Hazel 
River, and in the afternoon from the Rappahannock 
(North Fork) and that the Confederates were cross- 
ing the latter stream at Farquier, Sulphur Springs, 
and "Waterloo, 15 miles north of Culpeper. 

The Union commander now realized that his 
right flank had been turned by General Lee, for Cul- 
peper is only 60 miles southwest of Washington, and 
Lee, having escaped Meade's forces, and continuing 
to escape them, could easily reach the capital city in 
three days. General Meade also realized that General 
Lee would beat him to Warrenton, northeast of Cul- 
peper, if he attempted to march for that important 
point. 

On the 13th General Meade blew up the railroad 
bridge over the North Fork, withdrew his army along 
and broke the railroad, burning bridges and depots, 
to Catlett's Station, 20 miles northeast of Brandy 
Station and 15 miles southwest of Manassas Junction, 
near the Bull Run battle-ground. The next day the 
advance of the army reached Centerville, 20 miles 
from Washington. On the morning of that day, 
near the hamlet of Auburn, Jeb Stuart's cavalry 

396 



THE CAMPAIGN OF MANEUVERS 

skirmished with Caldwell's Division, of the Second 
Corps, suddenly firing shells among Caldwell's men 
when they had halted and were making coffee for 
breakfast ; they had made a night march. 



!97 



CHAPTER L. 

THE BRISTOE CAMPAIGN. 

ON October 14, A. P. Hill threw Heth's Division 
and Cook's Brigade against the line of Webb's 
and Hays' Divisions at Bristoe Station. This station, 
on the Orange & Alexandria Railroad, is in Prince 
"William County, eight miles southwest of ^Manassas 
Junction and 35 miles southwest of Washington. The 
Second Corps alone was on the rear in the vicinity 
of Broad Run and Bristoe, the Third was near Bull 
Run, and the Fifth was a few miles in advance and 
both were hurrying on towards Centerville. General 
Hill reports that this day he picked up as visitors 
150 men of the Third Corps. 

The object of the Confederate attack on Bristoe 
Station was the destruction of Warren's Second 
Corps, and this great peril was avoided only by the 
intelligent and brave conduct of General Warren and 
his officers and men of the three brigades that did 
the fighting under him. The First, Third, Fifth and 
Sixth Corps of Meade's army were in front, to the 
north, and the extreme advance was nearing Wash- 
ington. The Second Corps was bringing up the rear. 
If it got into trouble, it was too far behind to be 
helped by the other Corps. The Confederate line of 
march was parallel with but to the north or left of 
the Union route, but only a few miles away. 

Stuart's cavalry had reported the situation to Lee. 
The Southern commander now thought he had a fine 
opportunity to cut Meade's line in two and capture 
the historic Second Corps with its "three-leafed 
clover" badges — and the opportunity really was 
present. The reports for October 10 showed that the 

398 



THE BRISTOE CAMPAIGN 

whole strength of the Corps present for duty was 
8,830 infantry, 553 artillerymen, a total of 9,383, with 
32 pieces of artillery, "and no cavalry^" (See War- 
ren's report, War Recs.) 

Hill's Confederate Corps had, October 1, present 
for duty, 16,297 infantry. On the 14th, at Bristoe, 
he must have had 16,000 of these, and he also had 
in his movement Cooke's independent North Carolina 
brigade of 2,300, or 18,300 infantry and Mcintosh's 
and Poague's battalions of artillery, eight batteries, 
with at least 500 more men. Then to help him he 
had Fitz Hugh Lee's Division of cavalry. (See vol. 
29, part 1, War Recs.) In all A. P. Hill had more 
than 20,000 fighting men to General AVarren's 9,000. 

The First Minnesota was with the Second Corps 
every step during the first maneuver of General 
Meade on the Bristoe campaign. It was in the Vir- 
ginia-reel movement of "forward and back," when 
General Meade crossed the Rapidan October 11 and 
went northward to the Rappahannock, then the next 
day turned about and went to Culpeper, and then 
the next day, on the 13th, turned about again and 
again went northward, crossing the North Fork of 
the Rappahannock. 

On the 13th the Regiment marched with the Divi- 
sion to Bealeton, a station on the Orange & Alex- 
andria Railroad, a fcAV miles northeast of the North 
Fork. After resting an hour it fell in again and 
tramped steadily but slowly the rest of the day along 
the railroad in a northeasterly direction towards 
Washington. It could not move very fast because 
the road was fairly blocked ahead with the trains 
and the rear guard of General Sykes' Fifth Corps. 
The Second Corps was the smallest in the army, and 
on this march it was the rear guard. Caldwell's 
Division was in the advance, Webb's was in the 

399 



' THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

center, and Hays' was rear guard. 

Baxter's (the old Burns') Brigade, of "Webb's 
Division, was now guarding the long wagon train, 
and General Webb had but two brigades for fight- 
ing. The First brigade (the old Gorman) was now 
commanded by Col. Francis E. Heath, of the Nine- 
teenth Maine, and the Third brigade (the old Dana) 
by Col. James E. Mallon, of the Forty-second New 
York, the Tammany regiment. So that on the 14th 
General Webb's fighting strength, including that of 
two batteries, w^as only about 2,000 men. Heath's 
Brigade had probably 1,000 men. 

The division marched slowly but protractedly. It 
did not go into bivouack until 9 o'clock the night 
of October 13. General Meade was marching now as 
a general that means business should march. He 
roused up Webb's men at 3 o'clock the next morn- 
ing, having allowed them but six hours' rest and 
repose. They went several miles through a dense, 
chilly fog before daylight. They were marching 
along the railway to cross Cedar Run — and pass 
successively Catlett's, Bristoe, and Manassas Junction, 
and so reach Blackburn's Ford of Bull Run. The 
marching order for the Second Corps, issued by 
General Meade the night before, read: 

6. General Warren, Second Corps, will 
move to the railroad, passing by Catlett's 
house ; keep on the south side of the rail- 
road ; cross Bull Run at Blackburn Ford, 
and mass in rear of Centerville, looking 
towards Warrenton. 

The divisions had now changed places. Hays' 
M^as in advance, CaldAvell's in the center, and Webb's 
to the rear. But just across Cedar Run, north of 
the railroad, occurred the affair near Auburn be- 
tween Stuart's cavalry and Caldwell's men. The 

400 



THE BRISTOE CAMPAIGN 

divisions were so disposed that Stuart's shot and 
shells passed over the heads of Hays' men and 
landed among Caldwell's. Hays' Division was the 
nearer to Stuart, but the morning was so foggy 
that the Confederates did not see it. Hays instantly 
sent two regiments against them. These were re- 
ceived by Col. Thos. Ruffin and his First North 
Carolina cavalry. In the skirmish that resulted, the 
cavalry were driven off and Colonel Ruffin mortally 
wounded and made prisoner. 

No sooner did Hays report the way clear than 
Webb, with the Second Division, took the advance 
to Catlett's; Hays fell in behind; Caldwell brought 
up the rear with his division "en potence"— which 
is to say that it was in the form of a gibbet, or 
rather a capital letter T, with the shaft representing 
a column of fours marching up the road and the 
arms of the top cross-bar representing a regiment 
marching in line on either side of the road and in 
the rear so as to be ready for attack. Gregg's two 
cavalry brigades were with the cross-bar regiments 
and one on each side of the road to guard the flanks. 

General Meade was proving not only a sagacious 
commander, but a wide-awake one. The head of 
his column, by hard marching, had passed Lee's. He 
knew it was the military thing to do for Lee to 
march swiftly across and cut the Army of the 
Potomac in two, and he knew that Lee had a habit 
of doing military things. So ]\Ieade, on the morning 
of the 14th, sent a dispatch to General Warren, then 
commanding the Second Corps, and besides other 
directions and information the dispatch contained 
this warning instruction : ' ' Move forward as rapidly 
as you can, as they may send out a column from 
Gainesville to Bristoe." 

General Warren was also instructed that General 

401 



THE FIEST MINNESOTA 

Sykes would wait his arrival at Bristoe before mov- 
ing forward with the Fifth Corps. But General 
Sykes was impatient to move, because he was de- 
termined to reach Centerville with his Corps that 
night. He was half a mile east of Broad Run where, 
at the railroad crossing of that stream, was what had 
been the station called Bristoe, but which was now a 
small area of fire-blackened chimneys, monuments to 
perpetuate the memories of the horrors of civil war. 
Sykes had an aide-de-camp on Broad Run heights, 
with instructions to let him know the moment the 
head of Warren's Corps came in sight. A company 
of Massachusetts cavalry, riding miles ahead of 
"Warren, deceived the aid, and he told General Sykes 
that he had sighted the Second Corps. Thereupon 
Sykes abandoned Bristoe and set out for Centerville 
as fast as his men could march. 

At Catlett's the Corps line of march was re- 
formed. Webb's Division, with two batteries, was 
put on the northwest side of the railroad. Hays' 
took the southeast side (the railroad running north- 
east), the ambulances and artillery and Gregg's cav- 
alry followed, and Caldwell's Division brought up 
the rear, still "en potence" in formation. The Corps 
trains and Gregg's wagons had passed on for Center- 
ville via Wolf Run Shoals and guarded by Colonel 
Baxter's Second Brigade. As soon as Caldwell came 
up, the whole Corps set out for Bristoe. 

The greater part of the Corps had crossed Kettle 
Run, a mile and a half west of Bristoe, the men 
trudging along at a good gait, though footsore and 
very leg weary, when cannonading was heard ap- 
parently two miles to the front. Generals Warren 
and Webb at once galloped forward to see what the 
trouble was, feeling certain that General Sykes had 
been attacked in position while waiting for the 

402 



THE BKISTOE CAMPAIGN 

Second Corps to come up. 

The trouble was this : General Lee had sent A. P. 
Hill across to cut Meade's column in two, and Hill 
was trying to obey his orders. He sent forward 
Heth's Division to do the work. 

Heth came into the big gap in Meade's line at 
Bristoe and saw a mile to the northeast the rear 
guard of Sykes' Fifth Corps. He at once concluded 
that he was too late on the ground — the Second 
Corps had escaped; that was its rear he could see 
a mile to the east. Disappointed and angry, Heth 
brought up Major Poague's four batteries and began 
bombarding Sykes' rear, thinking he was firing into 
the Second Corps. As Meade feared he would do, 
Lee had "sent out a column from Gainesville to 
Bristoe." 

General Heth had deployed his infantry, three 
brigades (Kirkland's, Cooke's and Walker's,) with 
Joe Davis' in the rear, and was advancing toward 
the southeast on the fire-blackened chimneys and 
Dodd's empty house, which constituted Bristoe. Walk- 
er's Brigade was on the north flank nearest Broad 
Kun. Heth waited for a few minutes and then Gen- 
eral Hill ordered him to rush the retiring Union 
forces, jump on their rear, and hold them until he 
(Hill) could bring the rest of his corps upon their 
flank. Heth's skirmish line was near the railroad 
track, and Walker's Brigade was hastening to cross 
Broad Eun, when fire was opened on the south end 
of his skirmish line. 

Webb's Division, by the absence of Baxter's, now 
reduced to two brigades — Heath's and Mallon's — 
was crossing Kettle Run, a mile and a half back, 
when Poague's batteries opened. The men, weighed 
down with unusually heavy baggage (five days' 
rations included) sadly worn from toilsome marching, 

403 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

loss of sleep, and the almost total lack of cooked 
food for two days, were laboring along in good 
temper and spirits, and when they heard the 
firing, sprang forward like athletes. General Webb 
hurried back from the front and at once sent out 
the First Minnesota, under Maj. Mark Downie, as 
skirmishers to the north side of the road in a 
scrub-pine thicket, and at the same time turned both 
his brigades to the road on the south side of the 
railroad, so that they could have the advantage of 
the railroad embankment in case of a fight. Hays' 
Division had been pursuing the route on the south 
side, and now Webb's men were in front of Hays'. 

The woods and pine thickets into which the First 
Minnesota entered came clear down to the roadway 
on the north side of the railroad track, but did not 
extend very far eastward. When the remainder of 
Heath's Brigade cleared the woods to the east, one 
of Mcintosh's batteries came into position on the 
left or north and commanded the open ground 
about Bristoe. 

Just as the Rockbridge battery came into position, 
the sharp rattle of musketry in the pine woods was 
heard. The First ]\Iinnesota had struck General 
Kirkland's skirmishers and the two parties were "at 
it." At once General Heth recalled Walker's Brigade 
and directed Cooke's and Kirkland's to advance in 
line. 

General Warren was now on the field, but he told 
General Webb to "hurry up and fight." Webb 
hurried Heath's three regiments by the double-quick 
into position behind the railroad track, facing north. 
The First IMinnesota was out in front skirmishing 
when the brigade first took position, but it soon came 
back. 

Webb first decided to put his two brigades be- 

404 



THE BRISTOE CAMPAIGN 

hind a ridge a few yards south, of the railroad 
track, but soon saw that behind the track was a bet- 
ter position and he hurried them to it. Hays was 
ordered by General Warren to double-quick his di- 
vision to a railroad cut to the left of Webb, and at 
once sent General Owen's Brigade, which came up 
and occupied the cut, which in effect was a great 
ditch with walls from two to ten feet high. 

Webb's preparations were not made too soon. It 
was well that before they were completed Fred 
Brown, whose Gettysburg wound was hardly healed, 
dashed up with his battery (B, First Rhode Island, 
four 12-lb. howitzers) splashed across Broad Run, 
and went upon an elevation into a position from 
which he could hit any portion of Hill's army, and 
as soon as his guns were "in battery" they were 
in action. 

Mark Downie had his Minnesotians lying down in 
a sort of dead furrow peppering away at Kirkland's 
skirmishers for about five minutes, when he saw be- 
hind them General Kirkland's formidable line of bat- 
tle advancing directly upon him. The major saw, 
too, on the right of Kirkland's men, General Cooke's 
North Carolina brigade, of four heavy regiments, al- 
so in motion toward the Union troops at Bristoe. He 
immediately gave the order for the regiment to fall 
back, keeping its skirmish formation, to its comrade 
regiments behind the railroad track. The movement 
was made under a heavy fire, which prevented the 
formation of the regiment in a compact line, and it 
took its position on the firing line in skirmishing 
order, the men a few feet apart, so that they 
stretched along the greater part of Webb's Division 
and of Owen's Brigade, and Major Downie reports 
that the men fought in that position during the rest 
of the battle. 

405 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

Just before the heavy firing began, Capt. R. B. 
Rieketts' First Pennsylvania Battery, of six 3-inch 
rifles, came lumbering up and plunged through 
Webb's line to the ridge mentioned as south of the 
railroad track, and went into ''battery." It was on 
an elevation high enough so that it could overshoot 
Webb's recumbent infantry and at the same time 
smash the North Carolinians in their faces with case- 
shot and percussion shells, and if necessary could 
deluge them with projectiles. A few minutes later 
Arnold's Battery (A First Rhode Island), the horses 
covered with sweat and foam from a long run, broke 
through a pine thicket to the west and came into 
position and with six 3-inch rifles went into action 
behind Owen's Brigade, to the left of IMallon's. 

The Union batteries were hard at work. Brown's 
battery flung case-shot and canister among the charg- 
ing ranks of the brave North Carolinians and sent 
dozens of them to eternity. Rieketts' battery in the 
rear of Heath's Brigade, showered them with shells. 
Captain Arnold, behind Owen's Brigade, made it 
terrible for Kirkland's men. There was no sign of 
breaking ranks except on one occasion in only one 
part of the line. 

When the Confederates of Cooke's Brigade had 
come within thirty yards of the railroad embankment, 
the Union fire was too much for them and they 
turned and fled. On the left of ]\Iallon's and Hays' 
brigades, fronting the cut in the railway line, Kirk- 
land's men were being killed and wounded at a 
frightful rate, and the unhurt felt that they could 
not return the way they had come without the great- 
est peril. The railroad cut before them, filled with 
Owen's Third Division men, seemed a volcanic fis- 
sure vomiting hot bullets into them. Brown's bat- 
tery and two guns of Rieketts' had them in direct 

406 



THE BRISTOE CAMPAIGN 

range and opened dreadful volleys upon them. The 
poor fellows were soon being slaughtered in a horrible 
manner. They were in a death trap from which they 
could not escape. They called out as loud as they 
could : ' ' We surrender ! ' ' 

Many of Kirkland's men threw themselves on the 
ground and lay till they were picked up as prisoners, 
but the majority soon fled to the rear. As stated, 
Cooke's men turned back when within 40 yards of 
the railroad, though a few came farther forward and 
mounted the embankment of the Nineteenth Maine ; 
Sergeant Small, Company I of the Nineteenth, shot 
one bold Confederate who was trying to cross the 
embankment. They came close up to the First Min- 
nesota, too — close enough to stick a bayonet into 
Sam Pitkin, of Company A, St. Paul. Capt. John 
Ball, of the Red Wing Company (F), was wounded 
as he was standing on the embankment, tiring his 
revolver in the faces of the enemy. Many of Cooke's 
command threw down their guns and surrendered. 

The First Minnesota captured and carried away 
322 unwounded prisoners, including two field officers 
and five line officers and men of Company G brought 
in two guns of a Confederate battery. 

The prisoners were divided into three companies 
and each company placed in charge of a Minnesota 
lieutenant. Lieutenant Lochren (author of the Regi- 
ment's historical sketch) was one of these lieutenants. 

Two Confederate regiment flags were captured, 
one by the Nineteenth Maine and one by the Eighty- 
second. Both colors were taken in front of the 
respective capturing regiments. 

Colonel Heath, the brigade commander, says, in 
his report: "The First Minnesota Volunteers were 
deployed as skirmishers in our front and during the 
engagement captured and brought off two guns." 

407 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

"With the retreat of the North Carolinians the 
battle of Bristoe Station ended. 

When darkness came General Warren buried his 
31 dead, loaded up all of his 192 wounded able to be 
moved, took his prisoners and captured cannon, and 
set out to join his comrade generals at Bull Run. 

The casualties of the regiment in this battle were 
as follows : Capt. John Ball, of Company F, severely 
wounded in the groin ; Lieut. James De Gray, of 
Company G was wounded and transferred to Invalid 
Corps ; Samuel J. Pitkin, Company A, bayonet thrust ; 
Fred L. Bernds, Company B; Henry Ghostly, Com- 
pany G; Leonard B. Carter and August A. Goep- 
pinger, Company D ; Edwin B. Lowell and John W. 
Pride, Company E ; Chas. A. Berdan and Edrick J. 
Frary, Company F; Charles Leathers and Henry A. 
Low, Company H; Balthasar Best and John Thrope, 
Company K, all wounded. The soldier who had the 
glorious distinction of being killed on the field was 
Hans Peterson of the Red Wing company. 

As soon as darkness protected his movement Gen- 
eral Warren began leading his men out of their peril- 
ous position. Utmost silence observed; the troops 
moved by the flank across the enemy's long front, 
within plain sight of their twinkling camp fires, with- 
in 300 yards of their skirmishers, and within half 
cannon range of their artillery in position. The cap- 
tured guns were not left or forgotten. Colonel Mor- 
gan, Inspector General, furnished horses for them 
and they were hauled away with Hazzard's artillery 
battalion. 

Crossing Broad Run, partly by the ford and partly 
by the railroad, the infantry regiments of Warren's 
Corps made their way over the great sterile plain 
stretching from Bristoe to IManassas. At between 
2 and 4 o'clock on the morning of the 15th the 

408 



THE BRISTOE CAMPAIGN 

wearied and jaded men threw themselves on the 
ground on a part of the battlefield of Bull Run, near 
Blackburn's Ford, and at once fell asleep. Of the 
69 hours which had elapsed since they left Bealeton, 
on the 12th, they had been 60 hours either in column 
marching in the road, or in line of battle, or skirmish- 
ing with the enemy — only 9 hours for rest and sleep 
in three days. And when they marched, General 
"Walker says, "they carried the heaviest loads I have 
ever known troops to carry on a campaign." 

The First Llinnesota never forgot that march. 
But the men did not whine or whimper over it. They 
were proud of it. 

The tired and exhausted men were encamped on 
the left bank or east' side of Bull Run, near enough 
to General Meade's fortified line. They were here 
but four days, during which time nothing very event- 
ful happened. On the day of their arrival, the 15th, 
Stuart's cavalry made some showy demonstrations 
from the west side of Bull Run. A battery came up 
within cannon shot and threw some infernal Hotch- 
kiss shells into the Second Corps camps, but did no 
particular damage. 

The old Gorman Brigade was getting rather feeble 
in point of numbers, and while it was in camp it re- 
ceived another regiment, the One Hundred and Fifty- 
second New York. 

Here the old brigade lost its time-tried and fire- 
tested battery — the old Ricketts' Battery, which first 
fought with the First Minnesota at Bull Run. A num- 
ber of men from the First Minnesota and other regi- 
ments of the brigade had been transferred to Kirby's 
Battery, and the Minnesotians had a strong affection 
for it. 

October 19, in a drenching rain, Meade took his 
army out of its intrenchments and hurried after Lee, 

409 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

who had left the day before, declining to fight on 
either side of Bull Run. The regiment marched by 
way of Manassas Junction to a point back near 
Bristoe Station, and bivouacked for the night. The 
morning of the 20th the Regiment moved over its 
recent battlefield, crossed Broad Run twice and 
Kettle Run once and then marched westward towards 
Warrenton, passing through the hamlet of Greenwich 
and encamping that night near the other hamlet of 
Auburn. Here the regiment rested three days. 

On the 23d it broke camp at 7 a. m. and went 
five miles westward to the "plug" or branch rail- 
road (of the Orange & Alexandria) running between 
Warrenton Junction and "Warrenton Court House, 
and camped near the bridge over Turkey Run. Here 
the report became current that the army was going 
into winter quarters. Many of the men began the 
construction of little log cabins in which they ex- 
pected to pass the winter in comfort, and some of 
them completed their houses in quite elaborate fashion. 
But alas! the rumor was false and baseless. 



410 



1 



CHAPTER LI. 

THE MINE RUN CAMPAIGN. 

THE "Mine Run Campaign" need not here be 
noted, except in a general way, inasmuch as it 
was productive of no important result. 

General Meade attempted to cross the Rapidan 
and turn General Lee's right wing and attack him 
when a portion of the latter 's wing — Ewell's Corps 
and A. P. Hill's scattered brigades — were too far 
south to afford him effective assistance. 

The movement failed through want of co-ordina- 
tion of General Meade's various corps. The fault 
was generally attributed to the failure of General 
French's Corps and led to his being replaced by an- 
other officer. But the limits of this work do not per- 
mit any detailed account, except so far as this regi- 
ment participated. 

In this campaign, the last military expedition in 
which the First Minnesota Regiment was engaged, it 
followed the movements of the old Gorman First 
Brigade, the Sedgwick's Second Division, and the 
Sumner's Second Corps, now commanded respective- 
ly by Col. D. C. Baxter, Gen. Alex S. Webb and 
General G. K. "Warren. 

Major Mark AV. Dowiiie commanded the regiment 
on this campaign, but unfortunately no report can 
be found from him detailing its experiences. It is 
of record, however, that on November 24, when 
General Meade was getting ready for the movement, 
Baxter's Brigade, to which the First Minnesota be- 
longed, reported in front of General Webb's head- 
quarters at dawn November 25, ready for orders and 
any duty. The movement not being fully prepared, 

411 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

the brigade countermarched to its camp. The next 
morning, with the corps, it marched to the Germanna 
Ford of the Rapidan. The morning was quite cold 
and the ground frozen. While waiting for the lay- 
ing of the pontoon bridge, the brigade was formed 
in two lines of battle in the woods to the left of the 
road. When the bridge was finished the command 
crossed at 2 :30 P. M., marched four miles and bi- 
vouacked that night on Flat Run. The Corps was 
clearly on time. 

At 8 o'clock on the morning of the 27th, the di- 
vision marched with Baxter's Brigade in the rear, 
and continued southward to Robertson's Tavern and 
farm on the Fredericksburg and Orange turnpike. 
Within a mile of the pike the division skirmishers met 
the enemy's, Stuart's dismounted cavalry, and drove 
them back to the woods north of the tavern. Webb's 
and Hays' divisions were drawn up in line of battle 
with skirmishers deployed. Baxter's Brigade, being 
in the rear, was formed in two lines, deployed and 
held in reserve. 

At 2 o'clock skirmishing began on the right (it 
had previously been on the left) and continued until 
after dark. At 3, the First I\Iinnesota, under Llajor 
Downie, and the Eighty-second New York, under 
Colonel Hudson, were deployed on the Fifteenth 
Massachusetts which was menaced by a large force. 
The brigade's new regiment, the One Hundred and 
Fifty-second New York, under Major O'Brien, was 
taken away from Baxter's and sent to Colonel Dev- 
eroux's Second Brigade; the Nineteenth Maine, under 
Lieutenant-Colonel Cunningham, was held in reserve. 
At this time the skirmishers of Caldwell's First Divi- 
sion joined on the right of Webb's and completed 
the right of the line. 

At 5 o'clock, when it was dark, the direction of 

412 



THE MINE RUN CAMPAIGN 

Baxter's skirmish line was changed to the left by 
throwing forward the right of the line. Just when 
this movement began the right came upon a bunch 
of Confederates on the opposite side of the swamp, 
and at once they fired a volley and then fell back. 
The swamp was not more than 100 feet wide, but 
very miry, and in the darkness it would be hard to 
cross. Yet the skirmishers were about to cross it, 
when orders came to return to the original line. At 
9 o'clock the Nineteenth Maine relieved the First 
Minnesota, the Eighty-second and the Fifteenth as 
pickets. The casualties in the brigade this day were : 
First ]\rinnesota, none ; Fifteenth Massachusetts, ten 
men wounded, Adjutant Newberry mortally, and Col- 
onel Joslin and four men taken prisoners. Each of 
the other three regiments lost three wounded. 

At 4 o'clock on the morning of Saturday, the 28th, 
orders were received to prepare to move against the 
enem3^ At 5 Colonel Baxter was ordered to with- 
draw the three regiments that were acting as sup- 
ports to the picket line, and form them in battle line 
on the right of the division. This was done quickly, 
and a general advance was made. 

The line advanced as soon as formed in a di- 
rection south of the Orange pike a mile or more, or 
from Robertson's Tavern to the head of ]Mine Run. 
It was hoped that this head was well below Lee's 
line, but on reaching it, as previously stated, plenty 
of Confederates were there in position, on a range of 
hills on the west side and parallel with the Run. The 
Sixth Corps soon came up, joined on the north or 
right end of the Second Corp's line and relieved the 
skirmishers of the Nineteenth ^Maine. At 4 o'clock in 
the evening the First IMinnesota was placed on the 
picket line nearer the enemy. 

At daybreak on the 29th Baxter's Brigade, which 

413 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

included the First Minnesota, took up the march with 
Webb's Division and was the second in the column. 
It went westward on the old plank road to Orange 
C. H. about two miles west of old Verdierville, or six 
miles southwest of Robertson's Tavern. Here it halted 
and at night bivouacked. The next day was to oc- 
cur the grand assault on the enemy's lines. 

At 3 o'clock the next morning the brigade moved 
forward expecting to go into battle. It did not 
march far until it went into position and waited for 
the order to charge. As General Warren had formed 
his line from north to south, it faced west and was 
about a mile and a half in length. It extended south 
below the Orange plank road, below the railroad 
grade, and below the Catharpin Run road. The Con- 
federates' ran still farther. In front of Warren's 
26,000 men were the Confederates of A. P. Hill's 
Corps and a great part of Stuart's cavalry, more than 
23,000 officers and men, and 42 pieces of artillery in 
position. (War Rees. Vol. 29, part 1, p. 823.) They 
were behind breastworks, commandingly situated and 
as formidable as any they had on Mine Run, and they 
could be seen digging and placing abatis and making 
them still more formidable and dangerous. 

Baxter's Brigade was formed to charge in two 
lines. The Fifteenth Massachusetts and Nineteenth 
Maine were in the first line and the One Hundred 
and Fifty-second and the Eighty-second New York 
in the second. The First Minnesota was deployed 
to the front as skirmishers, so that when the charge 
came across Reynolds' pastures it would not be dis- 
criminated against, but would undergo its full ex- 
perience of danger, and receive its full share of the 
work to do. Skirmishers, handling guns as cold as 
icicles, with stiffened fingers which ought to be lim- 
ber and nimble so as to pull a trigger quick as 

414 



THE MINE RUN CAMPAIGN 

lightningt. The men realized their peril, but not a 
man offered to shirk it. Gen. C. H. Morgan, who was 
still Corps Inspector General, relates this incident : 

"While on the picket line reconnoiter- 
ing, my uniform concealed by a soldier's 
overcoat, I asked an old veteran of the noble 
First Minnesota, on picket, what he thought 
of the prospect. Not recognizing me as an 
officer, he expressed himself very freely, de- 
claring it, "a damned sight worse than 
Fredericksburg," and adding, "I am going 
as far as we can travel, but we can't get 
more than two-thirds of the way up that 
hill." 

To add to the general uncomfortable feeling, the 
cold, which had been increasing for hours, had now 
become intense and almost intolerable. The Union 
soldiers could not help thinking of what had oc- 
curred at Fredericksburg just a year before, when 
so many of their comrades were slaughtered in a 
foolish movement. 

The trouble was to begin at 8 o'clock that morn- 
ing, just when it was light enough for the Confeder- 
ates to see to shoot well. The firing of a cannon was 
to be the signal for the Second Corps to advance. 
After it had become well involved Sedgwick, far to 
the north, was to charge that end of the line. Eight 
o'clock came, but no signal gun was fired. Then 
from Sedgwick's position, more than a mile away, 
came the boom of a cannon — then another — then an- 
other — to let everybody know that he was ready and 
waiting. But no gun from the Second Corps. Loch- 
ren says : 

''As the gun was heard on our right, 
many scanned the sun, the sky and the land- 
scape as for a last survey. We were nerved 
up for the rush and the sacrifice and the 

415 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

suspense was almost painful. Soon curious- 
ity was aroused as to the cause of the delay, 
and after a half hour of intense expecta- 
tion of instant signal to move came the 
rumor, soon confirmed, that "Warren had de- 
cided that the assault could not succeed, and 
that he would not order the slaughter.* This 
was relief indeed and every man commended 
the decision. 

''We at once cast about to make our- 
selves as comfortable as might be. In the 
garden of a large house (Reynolds') on our 
line we found abundance of nice potatoes 
covered lightly in piles to protect then from 
the frost. We found kettles in the house 
(the family had left) and dry oak bark at a 
tannery (also Reynolds') close by, and were 
soon feasting on the potatoes and basking in 
the heat of the fires. So we spent the rest 
of the cold day very comfortable, while our 
friends, the Confederates in the rifle pits — 
so near that we could have throAvn potatoes 
to them — looked on curiously, but showed 
no disposition to disturb our comfort. At 
night we were relieved and marched back a 
couple of miles." 

The Nineteenth Maine relieved the First Minne- 
sota, and it was 8 P. M. when Baxter's Brigade went 
to the rear and bivouacked. The next day, Tuesday, 
December 1, the brigade moved south of the rail- 
road grade, in prolongation of the division line, and 
here it remained all day. General Meade greatly dis- 
liked to retire without a battle, and he hoped either 
to discover a vulnerable place in Lee's line where an 
assault could be made, or that Lee and Hill and 

*It was not General Warren that decided against the 
asisault, he had not the authority. General Meade had 
ordered the assault, and 'he alone could forbid it. General 
Warren called Meade's a'ttention to the great dangers in- 
volved in the charge; Meade came up, saw for himself, 
and forbade it. 

416 



THE J\1INE RUN CAMPAIGN 

Ewell would come out from behind tlieir works and 
attack him. But neither alternative appeared. 

In the forenoon of Wednesday, December 2, Bax- 
ter's Brigade, with the First Minnesota, re-crossed 
the Kapidan, this time at Culpeper Ford, according 
to Colonel Baxter, following Morehead's (formerly 
Mallon's) Third Brigade. That evening the First 
Minnesota, after a hard march through a cold rain 
and deep mud, reached its former camp, near Brandy 
Station, half way between the north fork and Cul- 
peper C. H. When the regiment started to ]Mine Run, 
it left behind good comfortable cabins which it ex- 
pected to re-occupy on its return. What was its 
disappointment, disgust and indignation when on its 
return that cold, rainy evening it found that its cosy 
little houses had been burned by some worthless, un- 
regenerate stragglers, v/ho had doubtless set them on 
fire out of pure recklessness and depravity. It was 
representatives of this class of scallawags that did 
most of the burning of dwellings and other private 
buildings in Virginia during the Avar. 

The First Minnesota, and other regiments 
whose cabin quarters had been burned while they 
were on the Mine Run expedition, soon built other 
quarters and again settled down. This housebuild- 
ing proved, however, to be a waste of labor. On the 
5th of December the Brigade Avas ordered to remove 
its camp about four miles to a site a mile north of 
the little village of Stevensburg, which is still in ex- 
istence, with a population of 75, in Culpeper county. 
The new camp "vvas about five miles southeast of Cul- 
peper C. H. and the same distance north of Rapidan. 
Again the men built cabin quarters and were fortu- 
nate in being permitted to occupy them for som*^ 
months. 

December 7 Lieut. Col. C. V. Adams. Avho had been 

417 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

absent from the regiment by reason of his Gettys- 
burg wounds, returned to the command, relieving 
Major Downie. For two months during the winter 
the regiment performed only ordinary camp duties ; 
no hostile movements were undertaken. The ground 
was being prepared for a base of operations in the 
spring against Lee's armj-, which was only a few 
miles away, south of the Rapidan. Roads leading to 
various fords of that river were constructed from Cul- 
peper and other railroad stations on the Orange & 
Alexandria, and in the spring Grant's immense hosts 
marched over them. 

The First Minnesota built and corduroyed roads 
and performed ordinary guard and fatigue duties 
during the remainder of its stay. A particular ser- 
vice was picket duty along the Rapidan, a few miles 
to the southward. The Confederate cavalry and some 
infantry were strung along the south bank of the 
river for twenty miles, and it was well to keep an 
eye on them. They were keenly watching the Yan- 
kees, and the Yankees were as keenly watching them. 
Neither Meade nor Lee proposed to be surprised or 
caught unaAvares by the other. 



418 










-I -a 






< 

H 
O 



Q S 

J 

Eh 
X 



>3 

2; 



a 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

at Harrisburg, Pa., the headquarters of the recruit- 
ing service of the Second Corps. The Governor and 
the General Avere soon in correspondence. January 16 
General Hancock wrote that he was authorized to fill 
up the Second Corps to 50,000 men, and had been 
instructed to correspond with the governors of the 
states to which the regiments of the corps belonged. 
"The First Minnesota of your state," wrote General 
Hancock, "is in the Second Corps, and I am anxious 
to do all I can to fill it up." 

Governor Miller replied that he would do all he 
could in the premises, "but the great difficulty is," 
said he, "that as I am informed, the regiment will 
not re-enlist unless they be permitted to return to the 
state as a body and are furloughed for 60 or 90 
days, instead of the period now established by the 
Department." The period referred to was only 30 
days. It was now the middle of January; ninety 
days would earrj^ the men forward until the middle 
of April; the regiment's three years' term expired 
April 29 ; if it were furloughed for 90 days, it could 
not be returned to the field for duty before its term 
would be out. 

General BCancock, February 2, called attention to 
this feature of the regiment's proposition, and said: 
"The time of the regiment is so near out that it is 
noAV too late to expect the 60 or 90 days' leave to 
be granted." At the same time, he said he had 
"tried hard to get the First ^Minnesota home, believ- 
ing it to be the only way of insuring the filling up 
of this distinguished regiment." General Hancock 
urged the Governor and the other friends of the 
regiment to make a hearty effort to fill it up, at 
least to its minimum, so that its organization would 
be saved and the name of the First Regiment Minne- 
sota Volunteers be perpetuated. ^Members of the Reg- 

420 



THE TALK OF RE-ENLISTING 

iment promised to re-enlist if the 90 days' furlough 
was granted, and Governor Miller assured General 
Hancock that if the men were allowed to come home 
for that length of time there would be "such a state 
of enthusiasm" as would insure the filling of the 
Regiment. 

A thirty days' furlough Avas granted and the 
Regiment came home, but out of its 571 members 
only 43 re-enlisted, and only enough new recruits 
Avere secured in the spring of 1864 to make two 
companies; so the name of First Minnesota Volun- 
teers was lost and the title "First Battalion Minne- 
sota Infantry Volunteers" given to the new organiza- 
tion. In March and April, 1865, seven new companies 
joined the Battalion, but the war was over two 
weeks later, and in July they were mustered out 
after a brief but honorable service. 

Unless the men had re-enlisted (in which case 
they would have been furloughed for thirty days 
and then returned to duty), the Regiment was as 
well off, for itself and for the good of the service, 
in Minnesota as in Virginia. The campaign of 1864 
did not open before May 1, and by that time the 
Regiment's time expired by limitation. In the mean- 
while there were no military movements made by the 
Division to Avhich the First Minnesota belonged. All 
that would have been required of it, had it remained 
with the Army of the Potomac, would have been the 
routine duties of camp life, to keep its quarters clean, 
to perform guard and fatigue duty, and to draw and 
eat its rations. It was mainly owing to the present- 
ation of the facts by General Hancock, that no im- 
portant military movements were imminent, that the 
First Minnesota's term of enlistment had nearly 
expired, that its record of service was brilliant with 
splendid achievements, and that the only hope of 

421 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

securing its further services was its furlough, that 
the Regiment Avas allowed to leave the field. 

Lieutenant Shepard's diary has this notation: 

"February 4, 1864 — ^Am relieved from duty 
as aide de camp on Colonel Carroll's staff, 
to go to Minnesota with the First Regiment 
to be mustered out. One Lieut. William ]\Ic- 
Kinley* of the Twenty-third Ohio, was as- 
signed to take my place. I was his senior 
in rank at the time, but never since!' 

*Afteirwards President McKinley. 



> 5 



422 



CHAPTER LIII. 

HOME — HONORABLE DISCHARGE. 

ON the 5th of February, 1864, the Regiment, 
pursuant to the orders of the War Department, 
left its camp near Stevensville and set out for Minne- 
sota. The other regiments of the old First Brigade 
turned out in its honor and to bid it God-speed. At 
this time the veterans of the First Minnesota, Nine- 
teenth Maine, Fifteenth Massachusetts, and Eighty- 
second New York regarded one another as brethren 
dwelling in vmity and with fond memories. 

That brigade, the old Gorman brigade, was a 
noble organization. The Thirty-fourth New York 
and Kirby's Battery should have been with it all the 
way through, but it was a grand phalanx all the 
same. It did a great deal for the Union cause. 

From its camp near Stevensville the Regiment 
marched to Brandy Station, on the Orange & Alex- 
andria Railroad, where so much caA'alry fighting was 
done. Here it embarked on the cars, in a few hours 
was in "Washington, and before dark was snugly 
quartered in the "Soldiers Rest," an institution 
where Union soldiers passing through the city were 
given food and shelter. 

Honors were showered upon the Regiment from 
start to finish of its journey homeward. On the 
evening of February 6 it was given a grand and 
sumptuous banquet at the National Hotel in Wash- 
ington. This mark of honor and distinction was be- 
stowed by prominent men of the city and nation 
who knew the reputation of the First Minnesota and 
thought nothing too good for the men that had made 
it. The most distinguished men of the country sat 

423 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

at the table with the 309 members of the Regiment 
who were present. 

Colonel Colvill, still lame and sore from his 
Gettysburg wounds, could not stand upon his feet, 
and was carried into the banquet hall by Capt. Thos. 
Sinclair, of the Stillwater Company (B) and Sergt. 
John G. Merritt, of the Winona Company (K), and 
was greeted with hearty cheers. The leading notables 
present were Hon. William Windom, of Winona, then 
Representative in Congress from the First Minnesota 
District, and who presided ; Ignatius Donnelly, the 
other Representative ; Cyrus Aldrich and J. W. 
Taylor, then prominent officials; Hannibal Hamlin, 
the Vice President, representing President Lincoln • 
Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War; John P. Usher, 
Secretary of the Interior; James M. Edmunds, Com- 
missioner of the General Land Offi^ce ; Mr. Morton, 
the Commissioner of Agriculture; Senators Zach 
Chandler of Jiliehigan, James Harlan of Iowa, and 
James H. .Lane of Kansas; John AV. Forney, Secre- 
tary of the Senate; George A. Brackett and Wm. S. 
King, postmaster of the House of Representatives. 
The last two, Geo. A. Brackett and Bill King, as they 
were familiarly known, were warm friends of the 
Regiment. They always went out of their way to 
honor it and to befriend a member of it. On this 
occasion, too, they were largely instrumental in 
arranging the striking testimonial. 

At the heads of the tables were the tattered battle 
flags of the Regiment, with so much of history within 
their ragged folds. These were saluted and toasted, 
as were the men who had borne them and defended 
them. Fervently patriotic and highly laudatory 
speeches of the record of the Regiment were delivered 
by nearly every one of the distinguished guests, and 
letters full of praise and good words for the men of 

424 



HOME— HONORABLE DISCHARGE 

the First Minnesota were read from Secretaries Wm. 
H. Seward and Salmon P. Chase and from Postmaster 
General Montgomery Blair. Of course the men were 
feasted sumptuously and praised almost extravagant- 
ly, and bidden a hearty God-speed to their homes. 

From Washington the Regiment came by railroad, 
via Chicago, to La Crosse. En route the loyal people 
gave it enthusiastic greetings at every station where 
ears were changed or a lengthy stop made. La Crosse 
was then the nearest railroad station to Minnesota 
of any outside of the state. So far as Minnesota 
was concerned, there were no inter-state railroads 
then. The only road it had was intra-state, running 
between St. Paul and a little beyond Minneapolis. 
(Anoka.) La Crosse was the ne plus ultra of rail- 
road transportation to the Northwest. 

But at La Crosse the foresight and patriotism of 
Capt. Russell Blakely, then superintendent of the 
great Northwestern Transportation Company, had 
prepared for the emergency of conveying the soldiers 
to their homes. He had a sufficient number of his 
company's large, comfortable and well-appointed 
sleighs, staunch and swift-running, to carry every 
soldier in comfort and by fast time back to Minne- 
sota. There were plenty of buffalo robes and blan- 
kets, and no danger of freezing. The air was only 
sharp and crisp enough to make it inspiriting and 
blood-tingling to the boys who had stood picket at 
Mine Run in zero weather. Col. Alveron Allen, the 
well kno^vn prince of hosts in the Northwest, and so 
long identified with the Merchants Hotel, St. Paul, 
had charge of the .joyous caravan. 

The way was over the ice of the IMississippi, 
smooth and eas.y as if it had been shaven with a 
scythe and leveled with a roller. The ice was three 
feet thick, and would have borne up a railroad 

425 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

train. And how joj'ous the Minnesota people were 
"when Johnnie came marching home." The horses 
that drew the sleighs seemed to know that it was up 
to them to break the time record between La Crosse 
and St. Paul, and they ran as if in a chariot race. 

The Regiment Avas . rapturously welcomed and 
bountifully feasted at "Winona and Hastings, each of 
which towns had a company in it, and it was also 
royally received en route at all the other towns 
where it halted. Its reception at St. Paul amounted 
to a magnificent ovation. It was re-quartered in the 
comfortable barracks at Fort Snelling, and for weeks, 
notwithstanding the cold weather, the men were 
visited and entertained by their admiring friends 
until they were fairly indulged and petted. The 
ordinary camp duties were made as light as possible, 
and there was little else for the men to do in a 
military sense but to rest on the laurels which they 
had so fairly but so hardly won. About 45 of the 
men re-enlisted; the remainder were to be discharged 
April 29, three years from the time of their enlist- 
ment. 

April 28 there was a grand review of the Regi- 
ment at Fort Snelling by Gov. Stephen Miller, the; 
former lieutenant colonel, v/ho addressed the men in 
a speech which Lochren has preserved in his history. 
Lieutenant Colonel Adams, in active command of the 
organization during Colonel Colvill's disability, made 
a most befitting response to the governor's address. 
Colonel Colvill was present, reclining in a carriage, 
and was affectionately greeted. 

On May 3d, 4th and 5th, 1864. those whose terms 
had expired and who had not re-enlisted were honor- 
ably mustered out of the service. A few days later 
followed the discharge of those who had filled up the 
ranks when the First ]\Iimiesota had changed from a 

426 



HOME— HONORABLE DISCHARGE 

three months' to a three years' regiment. And here 
ends the history of the First Regiment of Minnesota 
Volunteer Infantry. Its members had fought a good 
fight, they had finished their course, they had kept 
the faith, and they had made a record that will be 
glorified by the loyal people of Minnesota as long as 
heroism is admired and patriotism is cherished and 
honored. 



427 




('APT. C. B. HEFFELFINGRR, CAPT. J. N. SKAKLES AND 
<'^)RP. M. F. TAYLOR ARE THE MEMBERS OF THE 
"COLVILI. COAr.AriSSK^X" WHO HAD CHARG^E 
OF THE PREPA KATTOX OK THIS HTSTOPV. 



APPENDICES. 



APPENDICES. 

WHEN this work was undertaken it was expected 
to include a short account of the regimental re- 
unions that the survivors have held since soon after 
the war; also a number of addresses delivered by 
distinguished men on those and other occasions. 

Economical considerations have compelled an 
abandonment of most of those expectations. There 
follow, however, certain addresses that it has been 
possible to preserve in this history. 

While it may be said that none of these addresses 
have anything to do with the organization — as a 
then active body of soldiers — and hence could have 
been omitted with propriety, still they are so con- 
nected with occasions, either intimate or official, 
where the survivors were present, that we feel no 
hesitation in giving them space. 

It is more difficult to explain why many addresses 
not here found, have been omitted. 

The situation finally led the compilers to confine 
their selection to the mope important addresses given 
on OFFICIAL OCCASIONS, except in one instance, 
where the address was given at a camp-fire. 

Had the financial situation warranted it, the com- 
pilers would have most gladly included addresses 
given by Major j\Iaginnis, Hon. Dan Lawler at the 
reunion in St. Paul where the citizens of that city 
organized a grand reception and program, and Hon. 
Loren Fletcher at Gettysburg, as well as Hon. Wm.. 
Lochren at the same place. 

They were all worthy of preservation, and the 

survivors of the regiment hold those gentlemen in 

grateful remembrance for their generous treatment 

on those occasions. 

431 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

APPENDIX I. 

Address of Hon. Cushman K. Davis (U. S. Senator 
from ]\iinnesQta) delivered at Gettysburg battlefield on 
July 2, 1897, at the ceremonies attending tihe unveiling 
of the monument erected to commemorate and identify 
the place of the immortal "charge" made by the regiment 
on July 2, 1863. 

LJOW lovingly Peace, enrobed in her imperial man- 
^ ■*• tie of golden harvests, reigns over this delicious 
landscape ! The refulgent armor of ivar now rusts 
beneath our feet. The cannon that we see here in 
position among the ranks which sleep in the in- 
vincible array of death, are silent forever. Peace 
now holds an unbroken sway over our dear land. 
And yet thirty-four years ago today she fled affright- 
ed from this scene. The fiery chariots of Yv'ar were 
reaping here her fields and were gathering a harvest 
of men into that tabernacle of never-ending rest, 
wherein all grains and fruits and flowers and men 
and all living things must be garnered at last. 

And you, the gray survivors of one of the most 
glorious deeds of arms ever wrought by men, have 
come to this field of your glory and your country's 
renown, with your wives, your children and your 
children's children to post upon an everlasting station 
the bronze soldier, in whom the genius of Fjelde has 
commemorated your valor in that headlong charge of 
oh! so few and yet so brave, which stopped, and 
confused the serried ranks of thousands of valiant 
men of your own blood, which broke against the bul- 
warks of the Union like a long and foaming wave 
from an irresistible and exasperated sea. They num- 
bered thousands; you but two hundred and sixty- 
two. AVhen you completed that awful bayonet 
charge two hundred and fifteen of you lay bleeding 
on the ground; only forty-seven were unhurt, but 
they stood in line, and not one man was missing. 

Nearly 160,000 men fronted each other here. 
Neither waged a war of foreign invasion. They were 
brothers, deeply angered. But that brotherhood was 
an assurance of fraternal reunion at some time when 
war should cease and the resistless forces of recon- 

432 



APPENDICES 

ciliation should assert themselves, as they have done, 
thanks be to Him who has gnided and protected this 
nation. 

These armies were undoubtedly the best the world 
has ever known. They were commanded with con- 
summate skill. The individual intelligence of the rank 
and file was never surpassed. The result was an in- 
telligent valor of the soldier obeying and executing 
with the force of co-operative knowledge the trained 
and instructed genius of his commanders. 

Neither army was fighting for a monarchy or to 
establish one. Each was pouring out its blood for 
its own constitutional government — for the right of 
man to govern himself in a republic. This fact is 
ever to be remembered in considering the philosophy 
of that great war. The irritating cause which pro- 
duced it never for a moment seduced the men of 
either side from allegiance to the constitutional con- 
ception of their forefathers that governments exist 
only by the consent of the governed, and this right 
can be most efficaciously established and preserved 
by an elective republic. That supreme allegiance 
bound even rebellion by its higher law. And it was 
this transcendental fealty which so soon reunited 
us in one family by the combined efforts of men in 
whom hostility has been appeased, and closed that 
awful chasm which our evil-wishers abroad predicted 
would always divide us by a fixed and impassable 
gulf. The same earthquake force which opened that 
abyss closed it again, and we stand now, here and 
everywhere, upon solid ground, — holy ground here, 
because it is a tomb where the hosts of valor and 
patriotism have "set up their everlasting rest." It 
is also a field of resurrection whence has risen the 
Genius of a restored Union. 

The request that I should speak here today was 
sudden and unexpected. It was made only last 
evening. I had intended to be merely a reverent 
spectator of this impressive ceremonial. To make 
my task more difficult I was asked to indicate some 
of the general bearings of this battle upon our his- 
tory and destiny. I was entitled to time to prepare 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

for such a task. Even then it would be difficult to 
generalize upon an occasion which by its appeals to 
the feelings and the imagination almost disables one 
from any attempt at dispassionate speculation. 

Most battlefields are mere slaughter-places. A 
few, and they are very few, in the long tract of his- 
tory, have been the sources of human right and 
political regeneration. Herein is the difference be- 
tween mere dynastic massacre and holy sacrifice. It 
is the difference between the Coliseum and the 
Temple. We revere Marathon, where the Oriental 
polity embodied in Persia was forever prohibited 
from extending its sway over Europe. We see that 
our present civilization, and, perhaps, Christianity 
itself, were contended for and there triumphed, al- 
though they then existed only in the designs of 
Providence. Pericles at Marathon and Lincoln at 
Gettysburg are separated by two thousand five hun- 
dred years ; yet, nevertheless, their matchless orations 
on those consecrated battlefields are understood in 
all ages and by all men as the sacred utterances of 
the great primates of national independence and 
individual liberty. Over the dead of Thermopylae 
were inscribed the lines : ' ' Go, stranger, and tell it 
in Lacedaemon that we died here in obedience to 
her laws." The same epitaph and message could 
rightfully be cut in every monument upon this field. 

We know that religious freedom and personal 
liberty triumphed at Lutzen by the sacrificial atone- 
ment of the battle wherein the great Swedish king 
gave up his life. At Yorktown, where the stars of 
America shone through the lilies of France, republi- 
can institutions upon this hemisphere were assured 
forever, and the foundations of the present French 
Republic were laid invisibly to the builders. Here 
and at Vicksburg, on nearly the same day. Justice 
weighed in her golden scales, w^hich impended over 
either army, the recompense and trophies of 
righteous victories by which were confirmed to this 
people much that had been won in the other fields 
of which I have spoken. 

The Fourth of July depended here. Should it 

434 



APPENDICES 

ever be observed again was a militant question on 
that day. The fight was whether such a republic as 
the United States could endure anywhere upon the 
earth. The Constitution of the United States was set 
in the cloudless sky of that July day like the Cross 
that stood in the heavens over the army of Con- 
stantine. Every beneficent and indispensable element 
of self-government was at stake in that great wager 
of battle. For, although I have said, and said truly, 
that each army fought for constitutional self-govern- 
ment as a republic, it is none the less true that the 
divison of this Union into two republics would have 
been the precursor of not only their downfall, but of 
the impossibility of such a form of government any- 
where. I regret that the limitations of this occasion 
restrict me to mere assertion of this opinion. I will 
merely say that this is true, or all history is false, 
that the Northern and Southern republics would in 
time have exterminated each other with the assist- 
ance of those Powers, which, since our Civil War, 
have made Europe a fortified camp in a time of peace, 
have created navies that bridge the seas, have appro- 
priated every island in every ocean, Hawaii excepted, 
have invaded Mexico, have partitioned Africa, havo 
subjugated Madagascar, have diminished China, have 
threatened South America, and of whose hopes and 
designs your victory on this field was a defeat. 

Slavery came to an end. It was necessary that it 
should. Nobody now regrets its extinction. Lin- 
coln's emancipation proclamation was confirmed and 
made valid here by blood. Every cannon-shot, every 
musket-ball, every saber-stroke fell upon four mil- 
lions of shackles. There was not a slave from the 
James river to the everglades of Florida and the 
canefields of Louisiana who did not feel that those 
blows were shattering the fetters that bound him. 
The cause of all our woes was nullified and secession 
seceded from all function in our institutions or our 
destiny. 

The full industrial development of our people was 
fought for and achieved in this battle. The North 
and the South were distracted as to each other by 

435 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

contentious social and industrial organizations, which 
arrested that development in the South and impeded 
it in the North. Necessarily slavery confined pro- 
duction to primary articles from the soil. There was 
and could be, within the area which it cultivated, 
little or no change of form in the products of the 
earth before they reached the market. SlaA^es could 
not be safely trained up to the degree necessary to 
effect the transformation of the primary product into 
its ultimate manufactured forms. The result was a 
changeless simplicity of social and industrial struc- 
ture. Increase of complexity is an indispensable 
condition and result of progressive and higher civil- 
ization. This is true throughout nature — the greater 
the complexity, the higher the type. It was lacking 
with us. 

Another result of these antagonistic elements was 
a primeval simplicity of commercial exchanges by 
which the products of the South were marketed. 
They were exchanged in distant markets and by a 
system equivalent to barter, wasteful and almost 
barbaric. It necessarily so resulted. It is so no 
longer and can never be so again. This nation is 
now one producing unit and the South is rapidly 
taking her place as the manufacturer of her own 
primary products up through all degrees of change 
in form. 

With this abolition of contentious and dissociating 
forces our population has increased to more than 
twice that of both North and South in 1860. Our 
physical power has been multiplied much more. As 
to resources, nothing before the war affords any 
standard of comparison. It is merely contrast. In- 
telligence has increased diffusively, and Wisdom has 
come with it. Inventions that save labor, make 
common life luxurious, preserve health, extirpate 
disease, utilize the waste things of other times, and 
impress the most occult, subtle and powerful forces 
of Nature into a disciplined service, have added 
their puissant might to this great development of a 
fjeople everywhere fitted to receive and use them. 

Nothing remains that can produce schism as 

436 



APPENDICES 

slavery did. There is an aggressive patriotism in 
the South that delights me, a belief in the power 
of the United States, a confidence in its expansive 
destiny, alacrity in maintaining the interests, honor 
and dignity of the nation. I shall never forget when 
riot was developing by evolution into treason in 
Chicago and elsewhere three years ago that there 
was no dissonance in the universal voice that went 
up from every part of this nation for the supremacy 
of the Constitution and the enforcement of the laws, 
and that after a Northern senator, and Senator 
Gordon, whose sword fell heavily upon you here, had 
denounced the violators of public order, an eminent 
Confederate, who fought on this very field — it was 
Senator Daniel, of Virginia — rose in his place in the 
Senate, and offered the resolution which strengthened 
the hands of the President in repressing the most 
dangerous attack (excepting one) upon law, order 
and public and private stability that was ever made 
in our history. 

But I must bring these desultory remarks to a 
close. (Cries: Don't stop; go on.) Well, I will go 
on briefly upon this same line. I am anxious to 
impress upon the minds of this audience that civil 
dissension must end some time if the nation is to 
endure. AVe can leave censure to the jurisdiction of 
history. Recrimination and reconciliation cannot co- 
exist. The victor does not need to recriminate, least 
of all on this spot. All civil wars end and must end 
in forbearing reconciliation. It was so in England. 
It was so in France. So it must be with us. Facing 
me across the table of the committee on military, 
affairs were Cockrell, vigilant in peace as in war; 
Bate, who was grievously wounded at Nashville, I 
think; "Walthall, who stood between us and the 
retreating army of Bragg at Chickamauga like a 
wall of iron. These patriotic statesmen, soldiers, 
gentlemen, concurred most heartily in the proposi- 
tion that the United States should buy and adorn 
this and other historic fields whereon their cause- 
was lost. 

I mention these facts because this is an appropri- 

437 



\ 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

ate occasion to recognize the accomplished result that 
this is a reconciled people, a reunited nation. Teach 
every listener to whom you speak that that is what 
you fought for here thirty-four years ago and that 
it has come to pass. It is the greatest of your vic- 
tories. 

We stand in the vestibule of the twentieth cen- 
tury. The last one hundred years measure a human 
development more vastly expansive than any preced- 
ing century. The greater part of this has been 
accomplished since 1865. The entire world has 
moved forward and upward in this advancing move-, 
ment. The United States has unquestionably led in 
this great evolution. That it has done so is largely 
due to the valor of the Union army, the wisdom of 
her statesmen, and more than all else combined, to 
the intelligence and patriotism of a reunited people. 
The passion and partisanship of politics are no longer 
sectional. The century into which we are about to 
enter (and long may you survive to witness its 
wonders), will bring to man as an individual, greater 
personal benefits than he has ever yet enjoyed. The 
efforts of our forefathers were necessarily restricted 
to securing political independence, and to confirm 
their glorious success the exertions of their descend- 
ants have been in the main directed. Everything in 
that respect is now secure beyond attack, beyond 
dispute, if not beyond em-y. The twentieth century 
will concern itself more with the personal well-being 
of man in his industrial and social relations. In the 
meantime this nation will grow in power even beyond 
the precedent of its own example. As that century 
shall progress men, women and children will stand 
on this sacred spot among these hallowed graves 
and speak reverently to each other of the deeds of 
their fathers here performed, by which human liberty 
was secured and the Union made perpetual and in- 
divisible. 



438 



I 



APPENDIX II. 

Address of Hon. J. B. Gilfillan of Minneapolis, at a 
regimental camp-fire held by the survivors, at Minne- 
apolis, Minn., 19 06 

lyTAJOR MAGINNIS : I take pleasure in now intro- 
^^*- dncing another member of the First Minnesota — 
one whose name is known to yon all. I have the 
honor of introducing Judge Gilfillan. 

John B. Gilfillan then spoke as follows : 
Ladies and Gentlemen, Old Soldiers, and Veterans: 

It is always with feeling of profound reverence 
that I come to speak of or to the veterans of our 
Civil AVar. and I shall not expect, in what I say, in 
any eulogium I can pronounce — to add one iota to 
the luster and glory which they have already 
achieved by their own valor and patriotism. 

It is over two-score years since the pronounce- 
ment of war fell upon us like a clap of thunder from 
a clear sky. Threats had been made, but no one 
believed that the action would follow. No sooner 
was Sumter fired upon, however, than we found at 
once a cordon of citizen soldiery stretching from the 
Atlantic seaboard to the Mississippi river and beyond, 
one-half clad in blue, the other half in gray. And 
whether you speak of the deeds and valor of the one 
or the other, it matters not ; the whole world looked 
on and wondered at the achievements which they 
made. 

The Federal army had no mean enemy to face. 
The two armies were of one blood, of one people, of 
one education, of one civilization, and they both 
fought as armies never fought before. The splendid 
moral courage that actuated the Union forces was a 
spectacle to behold. The task they sought to achieve 
was declared, by the nations of the earth, impossible 
of achievement. But the same God of nations that 
ruled in the days of the Patriarchs is still ruling, 
and it had been decreed in the wisdom and provid- 
ence and mercy of the Almighty that the foul blot 

439 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

which had rested upon our nation's history, and 
upon its escutcheon, should be wiped out, even if it 
must be wiped out in blood. This was not thought 
of in our limited vision at the beginning of the war, 
but it became an incident in the progress of events. 
The integrity of the Union, the entity of the nation, 
was, to those who administered its affairs, the object 
and end of the war, but its absorbing incident, be- 
came, seemingly, a necessary means to that end. 
However, it was decreed that those who fought for 
freedom and liberty, and this noble government of 
ours, should win. And their deeds and their valor 
were ultimately rewarded with victory, and this great 
tnation was saved a union to us and to our posterity. 

But we are here tonight to do honor to one single 
regiment — the regiment of all the regiments that 
stands nearest to us all in Minnesota, a regiment to 
which I myself belonged for two months, but the 
condition of my health at that time forbade enlist- 
ment for the term of three years, and so I can claim 
none of the glory which w^as achieved by those who 
went to the front. AVell do I remember the day 
that that first regiment rallied at Fort Snelling, the 
29th of April, 1861 — a bright clear day, like the one 
today, and our companies gathered at Fort Snelling, 
ten in number, composing a full regiment. The mem- 
bers of that regiment who had volunteered were near 
to the hearts, not only of the speaker who preceded 
me, but of everybody. Everybody was determined 
to do what they could to save this Union from 
annihilation. Some had been Republicans, some had 
been Democrats; but we knew no such distinction, 
for there wasn't any. My friend in the chair (IMajor 
Maginnis) was a Democrat, I was a Republican. 
But we didn't know any difference then, and I don't 
know as there is much difference now, because I 
have come to the conclusion that about all there is 
to polities is the question of good government. 
(Applause.) 

The regiment went forward as has been described 
to you, and I will not take the time to go any 
further into the details of that: but it went for- 
ward and it fought on over tw^enty battle-fields, and 

440 



APPENDICES 

its blood was shed. You see the names of those 
battles emblazoned upon the walls of this hall to- 
night. It served through the whole Army of the 
Potomac, sharing in all the hardships and battles 
during those three long years to '64, a service which 
reached its highest culmination, perhaps, at Gettys- 
burg — a service there which astonished the world. 
As that Spartan band at Thermopylae glorified the 
history of Greece and the character of her people, 
so did that matchless charge at Gettysburg glorify 
the name of Minnesota and the Minnesota First 
Eegimeut. (Applause.) The regiment went out 
with 1,042 men, supplemented later by 243 recruits, 
and going into that charge with less than 300, it 
came out of it with less than a tenth of that num- 
ber. We have reason to believe and claim that their 
part in that charge was the pivot upon which the 
success or failure of the battle of Gettysburg was 
determined, and the determination of that battle 
virtually determined the Civil "War. There was the 
pivot upon which the whole clash of arms turned, 
and from that day forward the Union Army was as 
a rule successful. 

Few of the First Minnesota are left to share in 
the joy of this reunion. The gladness of this occa- 
sion is chastened by the numerous vacancies by battle 
and the years since the war, and it will be but a few 
more years that we can have the privilege of meet- 
ing in any number, these old veterans, our choice 
friends and neighbors. They have won a fame to 
which none can add. Their history and their glories 
are written in that four years' service, and it will 
stand as a beacon light in the history of the wars 
of the world. We cannot add to it. or detract from 
it, but we can realize this : That they accomplished 
a greater work, if possible, than they who achieved 
our independence at the beginning, when they saved 
to us this united government, our great nation, which 
has expanded and which will still expand until it 
shall become the glory of the whole world. (Ap- 
plause.) 

We have, thank God, a few of the survivors of 

441 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

the old First with us here tonight, and to them I 
wish to say, the country owes you and your com- 
rades in arms, more than tongue can tell, and as a 
final word to you on this occasion I wish to say, all 
hail, and God bless you, all hail and God bless you, 
one and all. 



442 



APPENDIX III. 

Presentation address of Capt. J. N. Searles, in behalf 
of the Colvill Monument Commissioii, at the unveiling of 
the Colvill staltue in the capitol, Feb. 25, 1909. 

Y^UR Excellency the Governor, Mr. Speaker, 
Comrades and Ladies and Gentlemen: 
A little over fifty years ago the people of the 
Territory of Minnesota adopted a state constitution 
and were admitted, by Congress, into full fellowship 
with sister states of the Union. 

Scarcely had the young commonwealth become 
accustomed to its new relationship, when it was 
called upon to contribute its quota of men to defend 
the integrity of that Union, by the outbreak of the 
Civil War. 

So rapidly did that contest extend in point of 
territory and so prolonged was the conflict, that it 
was found, on the successful termination of the 
struggle, that this state had furnished over 22,000 
men to swell the armies of the Union. 

It has been the delight of every people, in every 
age, to recall, for themselves and their posterity, the 
recollection of any event that reflected honor upon 
their race or nation. 

This desire has mainly found expression in the 
erection of memorials commemorating services of 
distinguished citizens, or preserving the location or 
historical significance of important events. 

In response to this sentiment, the various states 
contributing, in that critical period of our national 
history, to the preservation of the national govern- 
ment, have erected monuments on all the more im- 
portant battlefields of the rebellion. 

This state has thus honored itself and dutifully 
memoralized the sacrifices made by its citizen soldiers 
on the battlefields of Shiloh, Chickamauga, Vicks- 
burg, Gettysburg and Mission Ridge. 

So far, however, little, if anything, has been done 
within the limits of our state, to perpetuate the 

443 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

memories of the IMinnesota Volunteers who so gal- 
lantly sustained the honor of the state in all the 
decisive confiicts of that momentous struggle. 

During the period which has elapsed since those 
eventful days, the state has rapidly developed its 
natural resources and population to such an extent 
that longer delay in discharging the laudable duty 
is no longer necessary. 

Accordingly, when it was known, upon the 
completion of this beautiful capitol, that provision 
had been made for installing therein monuments 
commemorating the glorious acts of its citizens, it 
was considered eminently proper for the survivors 
of the First Eegiment of Minnesota Volunteers to 
inaugurate a movement to install in this building 
a monument commemorating the services of that 
organization. 

It seemed fit that such movement should be 
started l)y the first regiment, for it was the first 
organization sent out of the state to the support of 
the Union; it was the first regiment tendered to 
President Lincoln on the outbreak of the Civil War, 
and its service, during three years in the Army of 
the Potomac was such as to reflect great credit upon 
itself and the state. 

Without assuming any pre-eminence over other 
gallant organizations that gloriously sustained the 
honor of the state during that critical period of the 
national life, the Regimental Association of the First 
Regiment, at its meeting in 190G, appointed a com- 
mittee to solicit, from the legislature, an appropri- 
ation sufficient to erect a monument in memory of 
the regiment. 

This monument, it was thought, should be a 
statue of its commanding officer on the second day 
of the battle of Gettys1)urg— Col. William Colvill. 
There was no invidious distinction in this selection, 
for, although the regiment had, during its service, 
other distinguished commanding officers, yet this 
officer was considered the nearest ideal to a IMinne- 
sota Volunteer. 

Without military training when he entered the 
service, he applied himself so conscientiously to the 

444 



APPENDICES 

study of his duties, and proved himself on all occa- 
sions so fit to do the work assigned to him and 
uniformly conducted himself so free from reproach 
or fear, that it was the general consensus of opinion 
that the monument should perform the double 
function of memoralizing the regiment and its most 
characteristic commander. 

In response to the request made by the committee 
thus appointed, the legislature, most promptly and 
generously, appropriated the sum of ten thousand 
dollars, to be expended in installing such a monu- 
ment in this beautiful capitol and another at the 
grave of Colonel Colvill at Cannon Falls, and 
authorized the governor of the state to appoint a 
commission to carry into effect this plan. 

This commission was, at the outset, confronted 
with the problem, of determining who sliould prepare 
the model for this work. They communicated with 
artists in the East who had established reputations 
for successful work of this character, but, when it 
was disclosed that the monument was to possess 
portrait characteristics, and the amount of the ap- 
propriation was limited as stated, it was found im- 
possible to interest any of them in the undertaking. 

Accordingly the commission turned their attention 
to artists nearer home, and with such success that 
they finally awarded to Mrs. Geo. J. Backus, of ]\Iin- 
neapolis, the task of preparing this model. 

This lady has, in the judgment of the commis- 
sion — in which they are supported by the opinion of 
experts more competent to .judge — most successfully 
discharged this task, and her work now stands in 
one of the niches on this second floor of this building. 

"We regard her work as a most satisfactory 
example of portraiture in plastic art, and worthy to 
stand forth in the future as a memorial of a glorious 
past and an incentive to posterity to emulate, in its 
standard of citizenship, the example of the men, who, 
through the great strife to maintain the Union, on 
every field of battle, from every loyal state, im- 
mortalized the citizen soldiery of the Union. 



445 



APPENDIX IV. 

Address of Mr. James J. Hill, read at the ceremonies 
ifor unveiling a statue of the late William Colvill, Colonel 
of the First Regiment of Minnesota Volunteers, in the 
state capitol at St. Paul, Minnesota, March 31, 1909. 

"VY/E have met today to honor the memory of one of 
' our country's modest heroes, to commemorate 
the deeds of his gallant comrades in arms, to recall 
once more that great occasion which gave to him and 
those who fought side by side v\'ith him, enduring 
fame. A nation or a state is at its best upon oc- 
casions such as this. The strife of party and of per- 
sons ceases. Selfish interests stand aside. For the 
moment the things that occupy our days of action 
are hushed. 

The patriot whose name this memorial bears was 
one of those direct and simj^le men who rise so often 
to the level of great acts. Outside of his military 
record, the life of Colonel Colvill reads as modestly 
as even he would have desired. He was born at 
Forestville, New York, in 1830. He came to Min- 
nesota in the early fifties, and settled at Red AA^ing 
in 1854. He was a quiet, scholarly, unpretentious 
man filled with the faith of patriotic duty. Nowhere 
did the flame of devotion burn more brightly or more 
steadily than among the scattered people of the 
frontier. Minnesota was one of the newest and most 
sparsely peopled of all the States. Yet the first of- 
fer of help in the dark days of 1861, the first definite 
proposal by a State to put men in the field in de- 
fense of the Union and of human freedom, was made 
by our war governor, Alexander Ramsey. And among 
the first to respond was this unknown young lawyer 
of Red AVing, who raised there a body of recruits, 
constituting Company F of the immortal First Min- 
nesota, and he became their captain. 

The details of his life thereafter are known to you 
all; part of a proud and grave inheritance. Captain 
Colvill became Colonel Colvill in 1863. From first to 

446 



APPENDICES 

last he took part in more than thirty battles. First 
wounded in the fiery baptism with which the war 
opened at Bull Eun, he commanded his regiment from 
the first battle of Fredericksburg until that bloody 
charge at Gettysburg left him wounded on the field.. 
After his days of service were over, he returned 
quietly to the simple life he loved. When the battle 
flags were about to be removed from the old capitol 
to the new, the veterans of the First Minnesota came 
to escort that tattered ensign to its home in this 
stately pile. Their old leader met with them, spent 
the evening with comrades at the Soldiers' Home 
and when the morning came he had answered another 
and a final call. 

His virtues need no other commemoration than 
this simple statement of facts, and the tried and 
lasting affection of those who were near to him in 
life. It was characteristic of him, of his sanitj'' 
and largeness of mind, that he coveted no public 
recognition. He declared, when a brevet brigadier 
generalship was offered to him, that he would rather 
die as Colonel of the old First Minnesota. It is thus 
that he lives in history and in the hearts of his 
fellow men. It is this indissoluble association with 
the little troop of heroes whose fame can never die, 
that he chose as his chief title to distinction. This 
is the proudest word written upon the monument 
which attests the appreciation and gratitude of an- 
other generation, knowing only by tradition the stern 
days through which he lived. His life touched its 
high tide when he shouted the "Charge" that sent 
the First Minnesota to death and glory where the 
Nation's future was wavering in the balance. 

Today's ceremonies would lose meaning and fail 
in justice if they did not make that one historic 
event their center; if they did not reunite the dead 
and the living by joining in honor and praise the 
commander in whose name this monument is reared 
and the men who followed him ; a few of whom, in 
ranks more fatally thinned by time than by the bul- 
lets of the enemy, are still with us to live again that 
day of unfading glory. Time has detracted nothing 
from the achievement of the First Minnesota. The 

447 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

further we recede from the moment when they threw 
themselves without wavering into the jaws of death 
— the more we compare it with other feats of arms 
that have been celebrated in song and story — the 
more distinguished and incomparable it appears. It 
is unique not only in the history of our nation but 
in the records of all warfare in modern history. It 
is not our personal pride, or the disposition to exalt 
our own, but the official record that gives to the regi- 
ment which shares with its old leader today the af- 
fection and reverence of all, its station in the hall of 
earthly fame. 

The day was the crisis of the War of the Eebel- 
lion, and the hour was the crisis of a memorable at- 
tempt to strike a swift, straight blow through the 
living body of the Union that should leave it help- 
lessly dissevered. The whole country thrilled with 
comprehension of what this battle meant ; of what 
must follow should Gettysburg have the same ending 
as Bull Run. Not then would victory have found the 
forces of the South incapable of utilizing it to the 
full. Because of the danger of this supreme effort 
to reach the heart of the nation, Gettysburg is one of 
the decisive names that these four years of strif*^ 
wrote indelibly into our history. 

Equally significant and fateful was the moment 
that flashes into every man's thought and fills his 
heart with pride as he realizes the significance of the 
monument which we are here to dedicate. Like all 
great things, it and all that it involved were very 
simple. The corps of Sickles had been defeated and 
forced backward. To this point of disaster rein- 
forcements were hurrying, but they would arrive 
too late unless the oncoming legions could be checked. 
Were this not done, the Union line Avould be practi- 
cally cut in two, the army's flank turned and the 
day's ending could hardly be doubtful. To save it 
must be the work of a moment. To hold back the 
v/hole body of the enemy, supported by their batteries 
and wild with success and the desire of victory, only 
the handful of men of the First Minnesota were avail- 
able. On that single chance these men staked their 

448 



APPENDICES. 

lives, accomplished the seemingly impossible, and de- 
cided the fortunes not only of that day but perhaps 
of years of war. 

The glory of it is that they went down into the 
valley of death not doggedly but bravely; holding 
life cheap in comparison with their duty and their 
cause. Because of the great courage with which they 
faced their fate, they accomplished results out of all 
proportion to their numbers. There was a mental 
shock from the possibility of such a charge, as ef- 
fective as the impact of bullet or bayonet. And so 
moral and physical heroism joined forces and kept 
the field until the critical moment had passed, the re- 
inforcements appeared and the day was saved. Then 
not broken or swallowed up, not yielding themselves 
prisoners, when their work was done, the small rem- 
nant of survivors, only forty-seven in all, with their 
colors still in their possession and their spirit un- 
subdued, retired because they were ordered back and 
their task accomplished. On that bloody field they 
left their colonel and every field officer either dead or 
wounded. There they left 215 of the 262 men who 
had followed the command to charge. Not a man 
was unaccounted for. Not one had flinched upon 
that terrible day. 

When we place their act upon a pedestal so high 
and decorate it with unstinted praise we do not ex- 
aggerate the bare fact. It has been called "a feat 
of arms unparalleled in the annals of modern war- 
fare;" and such it is not only to the partial eye of 
friends but by the test of actual comparison. The 
total loss of the First Minnesota at Gettysburg was 
82 per cent. The charge of the Light Brigade at 
Balaklava has stood for most of the English-speaking 
world as the supreme effort of human valor in a for- 
lorn hope. The "Six Hundred" of Tennyson's poem 
lost 37 per cent of their number, more being taken 
prisoners than were killed or wounded. The Imper- 
ial Prussian Guards at Gravelotte lost 50 per cent ; 
the Guarde-Schuetzen 46 per cent at Metz. But never 
since Thermopylae has there been in a successful ac- 
tion such a percentage of loss as the First Minnesota 

449 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 

sustained; never, by the most generous estimate of all 
the brave deeds of the past, has human courage more 
completely triumphed. In the procession of the 
heroes of all ages, the First Minnesota will march 
at the head of the line. 

Who were these men who wrought a deed so fine 
and lasting? Most were American-born, but the 
other nationalities that have contributed most to the 
strength of our composite race were also represented 
on this roll of fame. They w^ere men who had learned 
to labor and to endure. Their virtues were large, 
simple and candid. They saw things straight and 
the struggle for existence in their daily life has 
taught them to do things quickly and well. There was 
no better making of a soldier. The members of the 
First Minnesota represented the furthest advance, 
of civilization in the Northwest. 

For untold generations it will bring pleasure and 
pride to our descendents as it does to us all to tell 
this story that cannot grow old. There is no blood 
so cold, no heart so immersed in the world's cares 
that does not thrill to it. But to none can it bring 
the personal touch contributed here and now by the 
gray hairs, the bent forms, the symbols of honorable 
age that greet our eyes in the survivors of what was 
both an age of heroes and an age of chivalry. As 
long as the nation lives, the memory of that great 
sacrifice must lend seriousness of purpose and 
loftiness of aim to the daily work of those who have 
entered into an inheritance bought with blood and 
self-sacrifice. As the strength and beauty of the tree 
grows out of the root, so from the graves of our 
heroes, from such memories as we are met today to 
revive, from such honor as we pay to the leader be- 
fore whose memorial our heads are bared, arise new 
civic ideals and a will to serve the Republic and keep 
it for the blessing of our people and the hope of all 
the earth. 

Remembering them and their achievements, we 
may well be modest. "We may well cultivate the 
qualities of simplicity and sincerity, without which 
men or nations may be successful but can scarcely 
be called great. These carried to its triumphant close 

450 



APPENDICES. 

the struggle that convulsed this nation. Thesq 
especially marked the mightiest leader of them all, 
who paid to the event this day commemorates, upon 
the field of Gettysburg, his tribute in vi^ords so lofty 
in their thought and feeling that they must always 
remain our model. With another of the great, simple 
thoughts of Abraham Lincoln we may conclude this 
day's ceremony, taking them with us as we turn 
again from the past to the present, confronting the 
day's work, short or long, that awaits us all: "And, 
having thus chosen our course, without guile and 
with pure purpose, let us renew our trust in God, and 
go forward without fear and with manly hearts!" 



451 



1 



APPENDIX V. 

GENERAL SANFORD'S BATTERY. 

N February, 1862, Maj. Gen. H. S. Sanford, our 
Minister to Belgium, presented through Gov. Alex. 
Eamsey to the state ''for the First Minnesota Volun- 
teers" a small battery consisting of three steel rifled 
cannon, six-pound caliber, with suitable ammunition. 

At that time no other Minnesota troops had been 
under fire, and no other troops could be mentioned 
in the presentation. 

These guns bear the legend ''To the First Minne- 
sota Regiment Volunteers, tribute to patriotism and 
valor. Brussels, 1861." They are now located on the 
grounds of the (old) capitol, at St. Paul, Minnesota. 

In his letter of presentation General Sanford said : 

"The efficiency and discipline of that regi- 
ment, as detailed in the public prints and the 
conspicuous valor displayed by it in the 
field at Bull Run and Ball's Bluff, won my 
admiration, and my pride was heightened 
here in a foreign land by encomiums which 
its conduct dieted from strangers. 

"In our country we have no titles or 
decorations to bestow as in monarchies. Merit 
looks for its reward to an appreciating 
people, and this tribute to patriotism and 
valor from a fellow citizen may serve to 
those brave men as an evidence of apprecia- 
tion, as an encouragement in this great 
struggle in which they are engaged, and as 
a lasting testimonial in after times of the 
admiration which I doubt not is shared by 
a large majority of our countrymen." 



452 



ROSTER 



ERRATA 

On pages 4G4 and 480 the head- 
ing "Out Mustered" should read, 
"Mustered Out." On page 468 the 
heading "Mustered In" in the fourth 
column of roster should read "Mus- 
tered Out." 



ROSTER OF THE FIRST REGIIMENT OF MINNE- 
SOTA VOLUNTEER INFANTRY 

THE following roster is taken from the records of 
the Adjutant General's office at the capitol, St. 
Paul, Minnesota, and is believed to be as complete 
as can now be made. 

Captain Hummiston, who has had charge of the 
military records for the various military organiza- 
tions of the state, has labored faithfully for years in 
compiling information of this character for all the 
Minnesota troops and is entitled to great credit for 
his industry and perseverance. Owing to names 
having been spelled, at times, in different ways, the 
particular spelling here adopted represents his best 
judgment. 

At the burning of the old capitol many original 
records were lost, but from those preserved and other 
sources, the following is believed to be substantially 
correct, and in some respects will be found to vary 
from Lieutenant Lochren's roster of the regiment 
published in "Minnesota in the Civil and Indian 
Wars." 

It Avill be observed that this roster does not, in 
some instances, make note of services rendered by 
some officers assigned to staff duty or to some other 
command not connected with the regiment, but it is 
hoped that such instances will be found noted in the 
body of the work. 



455 



THE FIRST MINNESOTA 



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INDEX 



INDEX 

ACKER, Wm. H., 4, 53, 71. 

ADAMS, Lieut. Col. in command after Mine Run, 417-418. 

ADAMS, Major Chas. P., 225. 

ADAMS, Lieut. Col., 303. 

AMBULANCE CORPS organized, 171. 

ANTIETAM, battle of, 191-222; creek, description, 187; 

campaign, 180-190; disposition of troops, 188, 192; 
services of regiment at, 197-219; casualties of regi- 
ment, 220; of 2nd. Minn. Sharpshooters, 221. 

ANTIETAM to Loudon Valley, 223-239. 

ARMY CORPS Badges, 280. 

ARRIVAL at Chicago, 27, 28. 

BALL, Capt. John, wounded, 408. 

BALLOON, Gen. Fitz John Porter, 105. 

BALLOON, Prof. Lowe, 107. 

BALL'S BLUFF, 74-79. 

BANKS, Gen. Nath'l P., 87. 

BALTIMORE, 29. 

BEAUREGARD, Gen., 32, 37. 

BEAVER DAM CREEK, battle, 139. 

BERRYVILLE, 88; return from, 91. 

"BERRYVILLE CONSERVATOR," contents, 89, 90. 

BIG BETHEL, 102. 

BLACKBURN'S FORD, 40. 

BLOOMER, Sam, Color-Sergeant, 221. 

BOLIVAR HEIGHTS, 226. 

BOONE, Lt. Col., captured, 47. 

BRIGADE and Division Assignment, 35. 

BRIGADE Organization at Camp Stone, 60. 

BRISTOE CAMPAIGN, 398-410. 

BULL RUN, battle, 43-57; described, 36, 37; Confederate posi- 
tions, 36, 37; Union commands, 37; preliminaries, 38. 

BURNSIDE succeeds McClellan, 240-245. 

EURNSIDE, Gen., at Fredericksburg, 246-263, 276. 

BURNSIDE'S "Mud March," 277. 

CAMERON, Hon. Simon, 2. 

CAMP at Washington, 31; Stone, 80-83; Misery, 104: Winfleld 
Scott, 105-106: on Chickahominy, 114; Fair Oaks, 134- 
137; Brandy Station, 417. 

CASUALTIES of Regiment at Bull Run, 54: Fair Oaks, 131; 
Glendale, 159: Vienna and Flint Hill, 176; Antietam, 
220; Fredericksburg, 274-275; Chancellorsville (Second 
Fredericksburg), 299; Thoroughfare Gap, 315; Gettys- 
burg, 345, 379; Bristoe, 408. 

CENTERVILLE, 41; second time, 313. 

CHANCELLORSVILLE, battle of, 285-293. 

503 



INDEX 

^'CHARGE" of the Regiment at Gettysburg, 342-348. 

CHICAGO to Harrisburg, 28. 

CHARLESTOWN, 87. 

CHICKAHOMINY, geography, 116, 117; distribution of army, 
118, 119. 

CIVILIAN Visitors at Centerville, 43. 

CLAY, Clermont C, 5. 

COLVILL, Capt. Wm., wounded at Glendale, 159, 225; Lieut. 
Col. commanding, 298; Col., arrested and released, 349, 
350; Col., commanding at Gettysburg, 340. 

COMPANY ORGANIZATION, A, 6, 19, 28, 40; B, 6, 19, 40; C, 
6, 19; D, 7. 19; E, 7, 19; F, 7; G, 7, 19; H, 7; I, 7; 
K, 7, 28. 

COMPANY C, (Capt. Farrell), Div. Provost Guard, 340, 347. 

COMPANY P, (Capt. John Ball), Skirmishers at Little Round 
Top, 339, 347. 

COMPANY L, Sharpshooters at Gettysburg, 330. 

CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS, spring of '61, 32; after Bull 
Run, 58, 59. 

COATES, Harry C, Lieut., 70; Capt., acting Colonel, 378. 

CORPS Organization of Army, 97. 

COUCH, Gen. Darius N., 422. 

CULLEN, Maj. TV. J., 14. 

DANA, Col. N. J. T., (Brig. Gen.), 69, 80. 

DAVIS, Hon. Senator, Address, 432. 

DeGRAY, Jas., Lieut., wounded, 408. 

DIKE, Wm. H., 10, 11, 19, 70. 

DISCONTENT after Bull Run, 56. 

DONNELLY, Lieut. Gov., 2, 4. 

DOWNIE, Capt. Mark W., 119; Major, 303; at Bristoe, 405; 
in command, 393. 

DUMFRIES, 313. 

EDWARD'S PERRY, GO, 74. 

ELLSWORTH, Col., 33. 

ELTHAM LANDING, 113, 114. 

EQUIPMENT, 12. 

FALMOUTH, 243, 276. 

FARRELL, Lieut. Wilson B., 71; Capt., mortally wounded, 
369, 377. 

FAIR OAKS, battle, 126-133. 

FIRST MINNESOTA Sharpshooters (Chase's), 183. 

FIRST PAY DAY, 59, 60. 

P^P^iNKLIN, Col., report Bull Run, 53. 

FREDERICK, 381. 

FLAG Presentation at Stafford Heights, 283; at Gettysburg, 
378; captured at Gettysburg, 368. 

FREDERICKSBURG, battle of, 246-263; battlefield, 249: dis- 
position of troops, 250-253; council of war, 259-261. 

FREDERICKSBURG, 242, 243; (Second) battle of, 294-299; 
(Second) topography, 295; to Haymarket, 312-316. 

FORT ABERCROMBIE, 15, 20. 

FT. GREENE PARK, Brooklyn, 392. 

504 



INDEX 

FORT RIDGLET, 15, 19. 

FORT RIPLEY, 15, 19. 

FT. SNELLING, honorable discharge, 426. 

GAINES MILL, battle, 140. 

GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN, genesis of, 304-311. 

GETTYSBURG, concentration of armies, 321-323; first day's 
battle, 324-326; second day's battle, 327-341; topography 
of battlefield, 327-328; strength of forces, 329; disposi- 
tion of troops, 328-329; third day's battle, 351. 

GIBBON, Gen., wounded at Gettysburg, 360. 

GILFILLAN, Hon. John B., Address, 439. 

GLENDALE, battle, 156-160. 

GORMAN'S BRIGADE, organization, 61. 

GORMAN, Willis A., 10, 11, 18, 69. 

GORMAN, Jas. W., 11. 

GORMAN, Richard L., 11. 

GRAPEVINE Bridge, 119, 121. 

GUNS, captured at Bristoe, 407. 

HANCOCK aids Sickles, 335-336; wounded at Gettysburg, 
360, 365; report of regiment, second day, Gettysburg, 373. 

HAND, Dr. D. W., 72. 

HANOVER Court House, 120. 

HARLEY, Lieut. Jos., wounded, 53, 54. 

HARPER'S FERRY, 85, 86, 386. 

HARPER'S FERRY to Washington, 92. 

HARRISBURG, 29. 

HARROW, Gen., report of regiment, 2nd day, Gettysburg, 375. 

HASTINGS, banquet on return, 426. 

HARMON, Lieut., wounded, 369. 

HARRISON'S LANDING, 167-172; army leaves, 173. 

HAYMARKET, Gen. Stuart's attack, 314. 

HAYMARKET to Gettysburg, 317-320. 

HEFFELFINGER, Lieut, 82, 119, 270, 392; wounded, 369. 

HEINTZELMAN, Gen., 35, 52. 

HILL, J. J., comment on regiment at Gettysburg, 376; ad- 
dress, 446. 

HOOKER, Gen., described, 280; succeeds Burnside, 278-284; re- 
organizes army, 280-281; follows Lee to Gettj'sburg, 
304-305, 309. 

HOLZBORN, Lieut. G. A., 71, 220. 

HOME, the trip and discharge, 423-427. 

HOWARD, Gen. Oliver O., 226. 

HUNTING Lee After Antietam, 229-230. 

IRVINE, J. B., 47; Corp., color bearer, 378. 

JOHNSTON, Gen. Jos. E.. 32. 

KING, Josias R., 3, 226. 

KIRBY'S Battery, 61. 

LA CROSSE, 26. 

LEACH, Wm. B., 10, 69, 81; (Capt.) 

LE BOUTILLIER, Chas. 'W., 10, 54, 72. 

505 



INDEX 

LEE'S invasion of Maryland, 181; order of operations and 
plans, 185: plans of battle, second day, Gettysljurg, 331; 
retreat from Gettysburg, 361-362. 

LESTER, Capt. Henry C, 71. 

LIFE at Camp Stone, 65-73; bugle calls, 62-68; change of 
officers, 69. 

LINCOLN, President, 226. 

LOCHREN, Lieut., 78. 

LOCHREN'S Account of third day at Gettysburg, 370. 

LONGSTREET attacks Sickles, 332. 

LOOTING at Fredericksburg, 266-268. 

MAGINNIS, Lieut. Martin, 194. 

MALVERN HILL, 161-166. 

MANEUVRES, campaign of, 393-397. 

MANASSAS GAP, 385. 

MARCH for Upper Potomac, 59. 

MARYE'S HEIGHTS, 259. 

MASON, Lieut., mortally wounded, 369. 

MAY, Lieut., wounded, 369. 

McCALL'S Recognizance, 74. 

McDowell, Gen., 31, 38. 

McCLELLAN, Gen., 103; succeeds McDowell, 58; restored to 
command, 180; strict discipline, 115, 235, 236. 

McGRUDER, Gen. Jno. B., 101-102, 107. 

McKUNE, Capt. Lewis, killed, 53. 

MEAD Succeeds Hooker, 310, 311; first plans, 318, 319; fol- 
lows Lee after Gettysburg, 380-382. 

MESSICK, Capt., killed, 369. 

MILES, Gen. Dixon S., 37. 

MILLER, Stephen, Lieut. Col., 10, 20, 40, 146. 

MILLER, Wesley F., 71. 

MINE RUN CAMPAIGN, 411-418. 

MINNEAPOLIS Banquet, 18. 

MINNESOTA River Navigation, 19. 

MORRISVILLE, 386. 

MORGAN, Geo. N., 19, 70, 225, 271, 298. 

MORTON, Dr. Wm. H., 81. 

MURPHY, Dr. John H., 72. 

MUSTER Oath, 9. 

MUSTERING, 16. 

NATIONALITIES Represented, 111. 

NATIONAL HOTEL at Washington, Banquet, 423. 

NEILL, Edward D., 10, 39, 41. 

NELSON, Capt. A. D., 8. 

NEW KENT, 113. 

N. Y. CITY Draft Riot, 387-392. 

NINETEENTH MAINE Joins Brigade, 231, 232, 256. 

NOAH, J. J., 9. 

O'BRIEN, Harry, color-bearer, wounded, 378. 

ON THE CHICKAHOMINY, 111-120. 

506 



INDEX 

"ON TO RICHMOND" Cry, 32. 

ORDERED to Washington, 21, 22. 

PATTON, Maj. U. S. A., 19. 

PEACH ORCHARD or Allen's Farm, 145, 146. 

PELLER, Lieut. John, wounded, 378. 

PENINSULAR Campaign, 100-109; plans, 94. 

PICKET Line Courtesies, 282, 301. 

PICKETT, Gen., "Charge" at Gettysburg, 353-360, 369. 

"PIONEER GUARD," 3. 

POMEROT, Capt. Geo., 70. 

POOLSVILLE, 60. 

POPULATION, distribution, 13. 

PRAIRIE DU CHIEN, 26. 

PRISONERS, captured by Regiment at Bristoe, 407. 

PROMOTIONS by Seniority, 72. 

PUTNAM, Captain, 19, 53, 71. 

RAGUET, Lieut., wounded, 53. 

RAMSEY, Gov. Alex, 1, 21. 

RECRUITS Mustered, 112. 

REGIMENT complimented by Gen. Sumner, 168; complimented 
by Gen. Howard, 274; at Fredericksburg, 264-275; at 
Second Fredericksburg, 297-299; at second dav, Gettys- 
burg, 327,350; at third day, Gettysburg, 363-370; loss, 
third day, Gettysburg, 360; route after Gettysburg, 381; 
ordered to Ne-w York, 391; back to Rappahannock, 383- 
386; at Bristoe Station, 399. 

RE-ENLISTING, for three years, 17; talk of, 419-422. 

RETREAT Down Peninsula Commences, 141. 

RICE, Senator, 21, 22. 

ROCKVILLE, 60. 

ROLLINGSTONE, 61. 

ROSTER of Regiment, 453. 

RUN YON, Gen. Theo., 37. 

RUSSELL, Capt. W. F., 120, 178. 

SANBORN, John B., 6. 

SANFORD, Maj. Gen. H. S., battery, 452. 

SANGSTER'S STATION, 313. 

SAVAGE'S STATION, battle, 147. 

ST. PAUL Ladies' Flag, 18. 

SCOTT, Gen., 31. 

SEARLES, Lieut., Acting Quartermaster, 47, 71, 171. 

SEARLES, Capt. J. N., Address, 443. 

SECOND MINNESOTA Sharpshooters, 120, 178, 184. 

SEDGWICK, Gen. John, 81, 226. 

SENECA MILLS, 60. 

SEVEN PINES and Fair Oaks, 121-133. 

SHENANDOAH Campaign, 84-93. 

SHEPARD, Myron, Sergt., 46, 179. 

SIBLEY, Gov. H. H., 14. 

SICKLES, Gen., advances his line, 330; wounded and Han- 
cock commands, 337. 

507 



INDEX 

SMITH, Capt. DeWitt C, 71. 

SNICKER'S GAP, 385. 

STAFFORD Court House, 312. 

STAFFORD Heights Camp, 282, 300-303. 

STANSBURY, Howard E., 18. 

STEBBINS, Corp., Sam. E., 33. 

STEVBNSVILLE, last camp near, 423. 

STEW=ART, Dr. J. H., 8, 54, 72. 

"STILLWATER GUARD," 4. 

STONE, Gen. Chas. P., 60. 

STONE BRIDGE Demonstration, 43. 

SULLY, Col. Alfred, 91, 92, 103, 225, 302. 

SUMNER'S CORPS leads over grapevine bridge, 124,125. 

SUMNER, Gen. E. V., 97, 124, 151, 153, 206, 226, 228, 203, 279. 

TANEYTOWN, 381. 

TAYLOR, Corp. M. F., 79. 

THOROUGHFARE GAP, 313. 

THOMAS, Lieut. Minor T., 71. 

TRIP via River from Snelling, 25. 

TRIP through Wisconsin, 27; through Maryland, 29. 

TWO TAVERNS, 381. 

TYLER, Gen. Daniel, 37. 

"TYPOGRAPHICAL FRATERNITY" issue "The First Minne- 
sota," 89. 

UNIFORMS, 12, 16. 

UPPER POTOMAC and Camp Stone, 58. 

VIENNA and Flint Hill, 174-179. 

WARREN, Gen., saves Little Round Top, 333. 

WARRENTON, 386. 

WARWICK Creek, 105, 106. 

WASHINGTON, arrival, 30; military situation '61, 32; to camp 
near Alexandria, 33. 

WELCH, Lieut. A. E., wounded, 53. 

WENTWORTH, Long John, 27. 

WHITE OAK SWAMP, retreat across, 152-155. 

WHITE PLAINS, 386. 

WILCOX'S Brigade, third day, Gettysburg, 374. 

WILKIN, Alex, 19, 70. 

WILLIAMSBURG, 110. 

WILLIAMSBURG to West Point, 113. 

WINONA Ladies' Flag, 20; banquet on return, 426. 

WINSLOW House Banquet, 18. 

WOLF RUN Shoals, 313. 

WOMEN of Minnesota, sympathy and assistance, 25. 

WOODS, Geo. H., 10, 71. 

WYNN'S MILL, 107, 108. 

YORKTOWN, 103, 104, 106, 108. 

YORKTOWN to Williamsburg, 111. 

508 



